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STUDIA ORIENTALIA<br />
PUBLISHED BY THE FINNISH ORIENTAL SOCIETY<br />
106<br />
<strong>Of</strong> <strong>GOd</strong>(s), <strong>Trees</strong>, <strong>KinGs</strong>, <strong>and</strong><br />
<strong>schOlars</strong><br />
neo-assyrian <strong>and</strong> related studies<br />
in honour of simo Parpola<br />
Edited by<br />
Mikko Luukko, Saana Svärd <strong>and</strong> Raija Mattila<br />
He l s i n k i 2009
<strong>Of</strong> <strong>GOd</strong>(s), <strong>Trees</strong>, <strong>KinGs</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>schOlars</strong>
frontispiece. Assyrian official <strong>and</strong> two scribes; one is writing in cuneiform on<br />
clay or on a writing board <strong>and</strong> the other probably in Aramaic on leather.<br />
m e 118882.<br />
c o u r t e s y t r u s t e e s o f t H e b r i t i s H m u s e u m
STUDIA ORIENTALIA<br />
PUBLISHED BY THE FINNISH ORIENTAL SOCIETY<br />
Vol. 106<br />
<strong>Of</strong> <strong>GOd</strong>(s), <strong>Trees</strong>, <strong>KinGs</strong>, <strong>and</strong> <strong>schOlars</strong><br />
Neo-Assyrian <strong>and</strong> Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola<br />
Edited by<br />
Mikko Luukko, Saana Svärd <strong>and</strong> Raija Mattila<br />
Helsinki 2009
<strong>Of</strong> God(s), <strong>Trees</strong>, Kings, <strong>and</strong> scholars: neo-assyrian <strong>and</strong> related studies in<br />
honour of simo Parpola<br />
Studia Orientalia, Vol. 106. 2009.<br />
Copyright © 2009 by the Finnish Oriental Society,<br />
Societas Orientalis Fennica,<br />
c/o Institute for Asian <strong>and</strong> African Studies<br />
P.O.Box 59 (Unioninkatu 38 B)<br />
FIN-00014 <strong>University</strong> of Helsinki<br />
F i n l a n d<br />
Editorial Board<br />
Lotta Aunio (African Studies)<br />
Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila (Arabic <strong>and</strong> Islamic Studies)<br />
Tapani Harviainen (Semitic Studies)<br />
Arvi Hurskainen (African Studies)<br />
Juha Janhunen (Altaic <strong>and</strong> East Asian Studies)<br />
Hannu Juusola (Semitic Studies)<br />
Klaus Karttunen (South Asian Studies)<br />
Kaj Öhrnberg (Librarian of the Society)<br />
Heikki Palva (Arabic Linguistics)<br />
Asko Parpola (South Asian Studies)<br />
Simo Parpola (Assyriology)<br />
Rein Raud (Japanese Studies)<br />
Saana Svärd (Secretary of the Society)<br />
Editorial Secretary<br />
Lotta Aunio<br />
Typesetting<br />
Noora Ohvo<br />
ISSN 0039-3282<br />
ISBN 978-951-9380-72-8<br />
Gummerus Kirjapaino Oy<br />
Jyväskylä 2009
cOnTenTs<br />
Preface .....................................................................................................................xi<br />
Bibliography of the Publications of Simo Parpola ................................................xv<br />
Ne o-As s y r i A N st u d i e s<br />
Eunuchen als Thronprätendenten und Herrscher im alten Orient ............................1<br />
cl a u s am b o s<br />
The Origins of the Artistic Interactions between the Assyrian Empire <strong>and</strong><br />
North Syria Revisited ...............................................................................................9<br />
sa n n a aro<br />
Aramaic Loanwords in Neo-Assyrian: Rejecting Some Proposals .......................19<br />
Za c k cH e r r y<br />
“To Speak Kindly to him/them” as Item of Assyrian Political Discourse .............27<br />
fr e d e r i c k ma r i o fa l e s<br />
Osservazioni sull’orticoltura di epoca neo-assira ..................................................41<br />
sa b r i n a fa v a r o<br />
Assurbanipal at Der ................................................................................................51<br />
ec k a r t fr a H m<br />
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II of Assyria from Melid.......................65<br />
Gr a n t fr a m e<br />
“Wiping the Pot Clean”: On Cooking Pots <strong>and</strong> Polishing Operations in<br />
Neo-Assyrian Sources ............................................................................................83<br />
sa l v a t o r e Ga s p a<br />
The Camels of Tiglath-pileser III <strong>and</strong> the Arabic Definite Article .........................99<br />
Ja a k k o Hä m e e n-an t t i l a<br />
Informationen aus der assyrischen Provinz Dūr-Šarrukku im nördlichen<br />
Babylonien ...........................................................................................................103<br />
ka r l H e i n Z ke s s l e r
A Neo-Assyrian Royal Funerary Text ..................................................................111<br />
tH e o d o r e kw a s m a n<br />
A Happy Son of the King of Assyria: Warikas <strong>and</strong><br />
the Çineköy Bilingual (Cilicia) ............................................................................127<br />
Gi o v a n n i b. la n f r a n c H i<br />
Remembrance at Assur: The Case of the Dated Aramaic Memorials ..................151<br />
al a s d a i r li v i n G s t o n e<br />
The Chief Singer <strong>and</strong> Other Late Eponyms .........................................................159<br />
ra i J a ma t t i l a<br />
Family Ties: Assurbanipal’s Family Revisited ....................................................167<br />
Ja m i e no v o t n y & Je n n i f e r si n G l e t a r y<br />
Ašipâ Again: A Microhistory of an Assyrian Provincial Administrator ..............179<br />
br a d l e y J. pa r k e r<br />
Neo-Assyrian Texts from Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylon: A Preliminary Report ....193<br />
ol o f pe d e r s é n<br />
Noseless in Nimrud: More Figurative Responses to Assyrian Domination ........201<br />
ba r b a r a ne v l i n G po r t e r<br />
The Assyrian King <strong>and</strong> his Scholars: The Syro-Anatolian<br />
<strong>and</strong> the Egyptian Schools .....................................................................................221<br />
ka r e n ra d n e r<br />
Fez, Diadem, Turban, Chaplet: Power-Dressing at the Assyrian Court ...............239<br />
Ju l i a n re a d e<br />
Die Inschriften des Ninurta-bēlu-uṣur, Statt halters von Kār-Salmānu-ašarēd.<br />
Teil I .....................................................................................................................265<br />
wo l f G a n G rö l l i G<br />
Who Were the “Ladies of the House” in the Assyrian Empire? ..........................279<br />
sa a n a sv ä r d & mi k k o lu u k k o<br />
I Feared the Snow <strong>and</strong> Turned Back ....................................................................295<br />
Gr e t a va n bu y l a e r e
As s y r i o l o g i c A l A N d iN t e r d i s c i p l i N A r y st u d i e s<br />
Maqlû III 1-30: Internal Analysis <strong>and</strong> Manuscript Evidence for the<br />
Revision of an Incantation ...................................................................................307<br />
tZ v i ab u s c H<br />
Some Otherworldly Journeys in Mesopotamian, Jewish, M<strong>and</strong>aean <strong>and</strong><br />
Yezidi Traditions ..................................................................................................315<br />
am a r an n u s<br />
The Diverse Enterprises of Šumu-ukin from Babylon ........................................327<br />
mu H a m m a d da n d a m a y e v<br />
“Armer Mann von Nippur”: ein Werk der Krisenliteratur des 8. Jh. v. Chr. ........333<br />
ma n f r i e d di e t r i c H<br />
Two Middle Assyrian Contracts Housed in Istanbul ...........................................353<br />
ve y s e l do n b a Z<br />
Two Bilingual Incantation Fragments ..................................................................361<br />
ma r k H a m J. Ge l l e r<br />
Wilhelm Lagus: A Pioneer of Cuneiform Research in Finl<strong>and</strong> ...........................367<br />
ta p a n i Ha r v i a i n e n<br />
Wisdom as Mediatrix in Sirach 24: Ben Sira, Love Lyrics, <strong>and</strong> Prophecy ..........377<br />
ma r t t i nissinen<br />
A Mesopotamian Omen in the Cycle of Cyrus the Great ....................................391<br />
an t o n i o pa n a i n o<br />
with an “Appendix on Cuneiform Sources” by Gi a n pi e t r o ba s e l l o<br />
Some Reflections on Metaphor, Ambiguity <strong>and</strong> Literary Tradition .....................399<br />
si m o n e t t a po n c H i a<br />
Reflections on the Translatability of the Notion of Holiness ...............................409<br />
be a t e po n G r a t Z-le i s t e n<br />
Altorientalisches im Buch Judith .........................................................................429<br />
ro b e r t ro l l i n G e r
Bibliography ........................................................................................................445<br />
Abbreviations ......................................................................................................502
a “new” cylinder inscriPTiOn <strong>Of</strong> sarGOn ii <strong>Of</strong><br />
assyria frOm melid<br />
aBsTracT<br />
Grant frame<br />
A previously unpublished fragment of a clay cylinder that is currently in the<br />
Archaeological Museum in Malatya preserves part of an inscription of the Assyrian<br />
king Sargon II. In as far as it is preserved, the text refers to the creation of objects<br />
<strong>and</strong>/or temples at Nineveh <strong>and</strong> Kalḫu, the construction of the city of Dur-Šarrukin,<br />
military campaigns to the East <strong>and</strong> Northeast, the resettlement of peoples in the<br />
West <strong>and</strong> Northwest, <strong>and</strong>, after a lengthy break, the flight of Marduk-apla-iddina II<br />
(Merodach-Baladan) to Dur-Iakin <strong>and</strong> the Assyrians’ capture <strong>and</strong> destruction of that<br />
city. The inscription should date to 707 (or later).<br />
Three inscriptions of the Assyrian king Sargon II (721–705 b c e) have been found<br />
at Arslantepe in eastern Turkey. In 1938, his third season of excavations at the<br />
site, Louis Delaporte found two fragments of “barillets” with inscriptions of<br />
Sargon II under the pavement of an Assyrian palace (Delaporte 1939: 54, 1940:<br />
9). The two fragments were placed in the Ankara Museum <strong>and</strong> their inscriptions<br />
were not published, although Benno L<strong>and</strong>sberger stated that they agreed exactly<br />
with the text of the king’s annals (“stimmt wörtlich mit den Annalen überein”)<br />
(Kalaç 1940–1941: 990–991 <strong>and</strong> 1011, L<strong>and</strong>sberger 1948a: 76–77 n. 213 <strong>and</strong><br />
1948b: 81 n. 213, Hawkins 1993: 38). 1 A third fragment of a clay cylinder with<br />
an inscription of Sargon was found in 1968 by an Italian archaeological mission<br />
<strong>and</strong> was published in 1975 by Giorgio Castellino (Castellino 1975); for more on<br />
this text, see Addendum 1. In 1996, at the request of J.D. Hawkins, the staff of<br />
the Anadolu Medeniyetleri Müzesi in Ankara made a search for the two pieces<br />
discovered by Delaporte, but was unable to find them. Two cylinder fragments,<br />
1 Translations of the two works in Turkish were kindly made for me by Ecer Kocaman. Hawkins<br />
refers to the two pieces as fragments of “prisms” but Delaporte described them as “barillets,”<br />
Kalaç as “silindir,” <strong>and</strong> L<strong>and</strong>sberger as “silindir” <strong>and</strong> “Zylinder.” Thus, it is likely that they were<br />
fragments of simple cylinders (like the two pieces from Melid found by Italian excavations; see<br />
below) or multifaceted, prism-like cylinders (such as Sargon’s cylinders from Khorsabad; see<br />
Addendum 2).
66 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
however, that are undoubtedly to be identified with those found by Delaporte have<br />
recently come to light, one in the Ankara Museum <strong>and</strong> one in the Archaeological<br />
Museum at Malatya. While the inscriptions on the two fragments are not duplicates<br />
of parts of Sargon’s Annals as stated by L<strong>and</strong>sberger, some sections on them do<br />
bear similarities to parts of the Annals. In 2002, Dr. Marcella Frangipane of the<br />
Università di Roma “La Sapienza,” the director of current Italian excavations at<br />
Arslantepe, located the fragment that is published here in the Malatya Museum.<br />
This piece had been transferred to that museum from the Ankara Museum in 1970.<br />
More recently, a small cylinder fragment that has an inscription paralleling parts of<br />
Sargon’s Nimrud Prism <strong>and</strong> the Malatya cylinder fragment found in 1968 has been<br />
located in the Ankara Museum; this latter fragment will be published by A. Fuchs<br />
<strong>and</strong> R. Akdogan. 2 I would like to express my sincere appreciation to Dr. Frangipane<br />
for her aid in facilitating my study <strong>and</strong> publication of the piece in the Malatya<br />
Museum. (Photos of the fragment, an initial translation of its inscription <strong>and</strong> a brief<br />
introduction to the text <strong>and</strong> Sargon’s involvement with Melid were published in the<br />
catalogue of an exhibition on the Italian excavations at Arslantepe; Frame 2004.) It<br />
is a pleasure to present this full edition <strong>and</strong> more extensive study of the inscription<br />
to Simo Parpola, an expert in the field of Neo-Assyrian studies. I had the privilege<br />
of attending a course on Neo-Assyrian letters <strong>and</strong> economic texts that he offered at<br />
the <strong>University</strong> of Chicago in 1977 <strong>and</strong> he later served on my doctoral dissertation<br />
committee, providing much profound <strong>and</strong> welcome advice.<br />
Arslantepe, the site of ancient Melid, is located on the western side of the<br />
Euphrates River, not far from modern Malatya <strong>and</strong> Eski Malatya. The site has been<br />
occupied since at least the fifth millennium but the earliest mention of the city<br />
appears in texts from Boğazköy dated to around 1400, assuming that the city called<br />
Mal(i)dija in those texts is to be identified with the city in question (Hawkins 1993:<br />
35). It became the centre of a Neo-Hittite kingdom following the destruction of<br />
the Hittite state at the end of the thirteenth century b c e. Melid offered submission<br />
<strong>and</strong> tribute to the Assyrian ruler Shalmaneser III (858–824 b c e) on more than one<br />
occasion, but for most of the following century Melid was under pressure from<br />
Urarṭu <strong>and</strong> at times was controlled by that state or within its sphere of influence.<br />
Melid was part of a coalition of Anatolian <strong>and</strong> North Syrian states led by Urarṭu<br />
that was defeated by Tiglath-pileser III (744–727) in 743 <strong>and</strong> Melid’s ruler Sulumal<br />
subsequently gave the Assyrians tribute. Shalmaneser III <strong>and</strong> Tiglath-pileser III<br />
normally referred to Melid as a “l<strong>and</strong>” (k u r) in their inscriptions, but a change<br />
occurred in the time of Sargon II, who refers to Melid only as a “city” (u r u) <strong>and</strong><br />
calls the l<strong>and</strong> in which it was situated “Kammanu” (Hawkins 1993: 36). Sargon’s<br />
involvement with Melid is described in a number of his inscriptions from Dur-<br />
2 My thanks must be expressed to Andreas Fuchs for his comments on a draft of this article <strong>and</strong><br />
to him <strong>and</strong> Mrs. R. Akdogan for providing me with information on the transfer of this fragment<br />
from Ankara to Malatya <strong>and</strong> on the piece in Ankara that is to be published by them.
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II 67<br />
Šarrukin (modern Khorsabad), Nineveh <strong>and</strong> Kalḫu (modern Nimrud) <strong>and</strong> events<br />
can be divided into five main episodes:<br />
1) At some point prior to 711, Sargon removed Gunzinanu (var. Kunzinanu),<br />
ruler of the l<strong>and</strong> of Kammanu, from his royal city of Melid <strong>and</strong> replaced him with<br />
Tarḫunazi. The reason for the removal of Gunzinanu is not given but since it is<br />
later stated that the people settled in the region had to perform the same ilku- (<strong>and</strong>)<br />
ṭupšikku-duty that Gunzinanu had (Fuchs 1994: 127 lines 215–216 <strong>and</strong> 217 line<br />
83, Fuchs 1998: 49 viii.b 6–7), it is clear that Gunzinanu had for at least a time<br />
acknowledged Assyrian overlordship. Thus, it is likely that he had done something<br />
that Sargon had regarded as treasonous to Assyria, perhaps simply refusing to send<br />
tribute. (Winckler 1894: pl. 4 K 1660 lines 4´–5´; Fuchs 1994: 125–126 lines 204–<br />
206 <strong>and</strong> cf. 64 lines 26–27, 76 lines 9–10, <strong>and</strong> 261 lines 23–27; <strong>and</strong> Hawkins 2004:<br />
154 Side A lines 19–20.)<br />
2) According to Assyrian sources, Tarḫunazi <strong>and</strong> Tarḫulara, the ruler of Gurgum<br />
whose capital city was Marqasi (modern Mar‘āš, ca. 160 km Southwest of Melid),<br />
rebelled against Assyria. Tarḫunazi broke his oath of loyalty to Assyria, stopped<br />
giving tribute, <strong>and</strong> corresponded with Mitâ of the l<strong>and</strong> of Muški (better known<br />
as Midas, king of Phrygia), sending the latter “hostile messages about Assyria.”<br />
(Gadd 1954: 182–183 v 41–52; Fuchs 1994: 125–126 lines 204–208 <strong>and</strong> 216 lines<br />
78–79.)<br />
3) In 711 (during Sargon’s 10th palû according to the Khorsabad Annals), the<br />
Assyrian army marched against Tarḫunazi, captured Melid, <strong>and</strong> smashed it “as if<br />
it were a pot.” Tarḫunazi fled to the city of Til-Garimmu (possibly modern Gürün,<br />
about 110 km Northwest of Melid; see Parpola & Porter 2001: 17 <strong>and</strong> Map 2 D2);<br />
however, out of fear of Assyrian might, the people of Til-Garimmu threw Tarḫunazi<br />
into fetters, opened their city gates, <strong>and</strong> surrendered to the Assyrian army. Tarḫunazi,<br />
his family, <strong>and</strong> five thous<strong>and</strong> soldiers were taken captive to Assyria. The l<strong>and</strong>s<br />
of Kammanu <strong>and</strong> Gurgum were resettled by people from the eastern side of the<br />
empire who had been conquered by Sargon, “Suteans, archers (<strong>and</strong>) fighting men.”<br />
They were turned into an Assyrian province <strong>and</strong> put under the control of one of the<br />
Sargon’s eunuchs. Ten fortresses were built in the area to protect it from incursions<br />
from Urarṭu <strong>and</strong> Phrygia. The city of Melid <strong>and</strong> its surrounding area was entrusted<br />
to an Assyrian client, Mutallu (var. Muttallu), the ruler of the neighbouring state of<br />
Kummuḫu (Commagene). (Gadd 1954: 183 v 53–75, Fuchs 1994: 126–128 lines<br />
208–221 <strong>and</strong> 216–217 lines 79–83, Fuchs 1998: 48–49 vii.e 1–8 <strong>and</strong> viii.b 1–15.)<br />
4) According to Assyrian sources, Mutallu also proved disloyal. He is called an<br />
“evil Hittite” <strong>and</strong> said to have made an alliance with Argišti of Urarṭu <strong>and</strong> withheld<br />
his taxes <strong>and</strong> tribute. (Thompson 1940: 87 line 21, Fuchs 1994: 177 lines 398–401<br />
<strong>and</strong> 222–223 lines 112–113.)<br />
5) In 708 (during Sargon’s 13th palû according to the Khorsabad Annals), Sargon<br />
sent Assyrian forces against Mutallu. Mutallu managed to escape, but members of
68 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
his family were captured; they <strong>and</strong> other people of his l<strong>and</strong> were taken away as<br />
booty. His l<strong>and</strong> was annexed to Assyria, put under the control an Assyrian official<br />
(the turtānu of the left), <strong>and</strong> resettled with Chaldeans from Bit-Iakin. It is likely that<br />
along with the l<strong>and</strong> of Kummuḫu the city of Melid was also retaken by the Assyrian<br />
forces. (Thompson 1940: 87–88 lines 22–26, Fuchs 1994: 177–179 lines 401–411<br />
<strong>and</strong> see 223–224 lines 113–117.)<br />
Regrettably, only one letter from the reign of Sargon mentions Melid <strong>and</strong> it does<br />
so in a damaged context (SAA 1 189:13). Sargon II died in 705, likely killed on<br />
a battlefield in Tabal (Cappadocia). Melid may have been lost to Assyrian control<br />
around this time <strong>and</strong> by the reign of Esarhaddon it may have formed part of the<br />
kingdom of Tabal (Hawkins 1993: 38–39). The site began to decline following the<br />
time of Sargon <strong>and</strong> by the Roman period was only a small village, the main settlement<br />
having moved to Eski Malatya (classical Melitene). For a concise summary of the<br />
history of Melid, see Hawkins 1993, <strong>and</strong> for overviews of archaeological work<br />
there, see Frangipane 1993 <strong>and</strong> 1997.<br />
***<br />
The fragment published in this article is part of the right end of a clay cylinder <strong>and</strong><br />
measures 10.8 cm in height <strong>and</strong> 9.5 cm in diameter. It has been given the excavation<br />
number (n. scavo) AT323 (21717) <strong>and</strong> bears the inventory number 1997 in Malatya’s<br />
Archaeological Museum (Frangipane 2004: 201). The fragment preserves parts of<br />
forty-seven lines, thirty-three from the beginning <strong>and</strong> fourteen from the end of the<br />
inscription; the text would originally have had over twice as many lines as are<br />
currently preserved <strong>and</strong> the inscription on each line would have been about five<br />
times as long as it is currently. A horizontal line ruling separates the end of the<br />
inscription from the beginning. (See Figs. 1–2 for a copy of the inscription on the<br />
fragment <strong>and</strong> Frame 2004: 172 <strong>and</strong> 177 <strong>and</strong> Frangipane 2004: 201 for photos of the<br />
fragment.) Although the inscription refers to Sargon’s fourteenth year (708 b c e) in<br />
line 10, it must have been composed in or after his fifteenth year (707) in view of<br />
the mentions of (1) the installation of the gods of Dur-Šarrukin into their shrines<br />
(line 12) <strong>and</strong> (2) the destruction of Dur-Iakin <strong>and</strong> the carrying off of its people<br />
(lines 8´–9´), events that the Assyrian eponym chronicle tells us took place in the<br />
eponymy of Ša-Aššur-dubbu (Millard 1994: 48 <strong>and</strong> 60). In as far as it is preserved,<br />
the inscription on the new cylinder can be divided into seven sections:<br />
A Introduction: Name, titles <strong>and</strong> epithets of the king (lines 1–4)<br />
B The creation of sacred objects <strong>and</strong>/or temples in Nineveh, Kalḫu <strong>and</strong><br />
perhaps elsewhere up until Sargon’s fourteenth regnal year (=708)<br />
(lines 5–10)<br />
C Description of the building of the city of Dur-Šarrukin, “Fort Sargon”<br />
(modern Khorsabad) (lines 11–14)
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II 69<br />
D Military campaigns to East <strong>and</strong> Northeast <strong>and</strong> resettlement of people<br />
in the West <strong>and</strong> Northwest (lines 15–33)<br />
Gap<br />
E End of an account dealing with the defeat of Marduk-apla-iddina II<br />
(Merodach-Baladan of 2 Kings 20:12 <strong>and</strong> Isaiah 39:1), the Chaldean<br />
ruler of Babylonia (721–710)<br />
a. Flight of Marduk-apla-iddina to his stronghold Dur-Iakin in the<br />
marshes of southern Babylonia <strong>and</strong> his fortification of that city (lines<br />
1´–4´)<br />
b. Assyrian conquest <strong>and</strong> destruction of Dur-Iakin (lines 5´–9´)<br />
F Possibly the annexation of some area (Melid?) to Assyria (lines 10´–<br />
12´)<br />
G Concluding blessing <strong>and</strong> curse (lines 13´–14´)<br />
TransliTeraTiOn<br />
1 [ m l u G a l–G i.n a m a n G a l-ú m a n dan-nu m a n šú m a n k u r aš-šur.k i G ì r.<br />
n í t a k á.d i n G i r.r a.k i m a n k u r e m e .G i 7 u u r i.k i m a n kib-rat l í m m u-tì<br />
mi-gir] d i n G i r.m e š G a l.m e š ˹a ? ˺-[x x]<br />
2 [ daš-šur d a G d a m a r.u t u (di n G r.m e š ti-ik-li-ia) l u G a l-ut la šá-na-an<br />
ú-šat-li-mu-ni-ma zi-kir m u -ia dam-qu ú-še]-ṣu-ú a-na r[e-še-(e)-ti]<br />
3 [ša Zimbir.k i n i b r u.k i k á.d i n G i r.r a.k i (ù bár-sipa.k i) za-nin-us-su-un<br />
e-tep-pu-šá ša é r i n.m e š ki-din-ni mala ba-šu-ú] ḫi-bil-ta-šú-n[u a-ribma]<br />
4 [za-ku-ut bal-til.k i u u r u ḫar-ra-na ša ul-tu u4.m e š ru-qu-(ú)-ti im-mašú-ma<br />
ki-din-nu-su-un ba-ṭil-ta ú]-ter áš-r[u ? -uš-šá)]<br />
5 [...]-zi-i tab ? x [x x (x)]<br />
6 [...] x u d.d a d š e š.k i-r[e-eš ? x (x)]<br />
7 [... qé]-reb n i n a.k i u u r u kal-ḫa x [x x (x)]<br />
8 [...-š]i-in k ù.m e š ab-šim-ma [x x (x)]<br />
9 [...] x ab-ni-ma ú-šá-an-biṭ ˹d? ˺[u t u ? -niš ? ]<br />
10 [... ša ul-tu s a G l u G a l-ti-ia a-d]i m u .14.k á m a-na d i n G i r.m e š a-ši-bu-ut<br />
[x x]<br />
11 [(...) i-na G ì r.ii k u r mu-uṣ-ri k u r-i e-le-na u r u.n i n a.k i i-na bi-bil libbi-ia<br />
u r u d ù-uš-ma u r u.b à d– m ]l u G a l–G i.n a az-ku-ra ni-bit-˹su˺
70 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
Figs. 1–2. AT323 (21717)
Copy made from a cast of the fragment<br />
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II 71
72 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
12 [ d é-a d 30 d u t u d a G d i š k u r d nin-urta ù ḫi-ra-ti-šú-nu G a l.m e š i-na qé-reb<br />
é-ḫur-sag-gal-kur-kur-ra ú-šá-a’-lid-ma i-na qé-re]b-šú ú-šar-ma-a<br />
pa-rak da-ra-a-ti<br />
13 [é.G a l.m e š Z ú a m.si G i š.e s i G i š.t ú G G i š mu-šuk-ka-ni G i š.e r e n G i š.š u r.<br />
m ì n G i š dup-ra-ni šim.l i ù G i š bu-uṭ-ni a-na mu-šab l u G a l-ti-ia q]er-<br />
˹bu˺-uš-šu ab-ni-ma<br />
14 [... ba-ḫu-la-ti na-ki-ri ki-šit-ti qa-ti-ia i-na qer-bi-šu par-ga-niš ú-šarbi-iṣ-ma]<br />
it-t[i m]a-ḫa-zi k u r aš-šur.k i am-nu-šú<br />
15 [i-na tukul-ti d i n G i r.m e š G a l.m e š (lu) at-ta-lak-ma u n.m e š íd mar-ra-ti<br />
a n.t a a-di íd mar-ra-ti k i.t a ki-i iš-te9-en a-bel-ma k u r.m e š la ma-gi-ri<br />
ḫu]r-šá-a-ni la kan-šu-ti ú-šak-ni-šá še-pu-u-a<br />
16 [...] x-ti iš-ku-nu pa-ni-šu-un<br />
17 [... aš-k]un ? -ma ú s.m e š -šú-nu ḫur-ri na-at-bak k u r-i ú-šar-di<br />
18 [... qé]-reb k u r ḫa-at-ti ú-še-šib<br />
19 [...]-ri k u r-i mar-ṣi šá-ḫa-ta e-mid<br />
20 [...] x-ú-ma iṣ-ba-ta še-pi-ia<br />
21 [... a]s-suḫ-šú-nu-ti i-na qé-reb k u r ḫat-ti ú-še-šib<br />
22 [...] x-ik-ma u n.m e š k u r man-na-a-a pu-luḫ-tú e-mid<br />
23 [...] x-ma qé-reb k u r a-ma-at-ti ú-še-šib<br />
24 [...].˹m e š ˺-šú-nu ka-bit-tu a-na k u r aš-šur.k i ub-la<br />
25 [...] áš-kun-ma ni-ir be-lu-ti-ia e-mid-˹su˺-nu-ti<br />
26 [...] x-a ak-šud ud<br />
27 [... a]p-pu-ul aq-qur i-na i Z i áš-ru-˹up˺<br />
28 [...-i]a ? na-dan šat-ti-šú-nu ik-lu-˹ú˺<br />
29 [...] x ˹i ? -ku ? ˺-ú ˹ak-šu˺-ud-ma di-ik-ta-šú-nu a-d[uk]<br />
30 [...] a-na k u r aš-šur.k i al-qa-˹a˺<br />
31 [...]-áš m a-da-a k u r šur-da-a-a e-me-da ˹ni-ir d? ˺[aš-šur ? ]<br />
32 [... u r u ḫu-bu-u]š-ki-a u r u ˹l u g a l˺-ti-šú [x x (x)]<br />
33 [...] x x x x x x x [x x x]<br />
Lacuna<br />
1´ [ul-la-nu-u-a md a m a r.u t u–ibila–s u m.n a u r u.m e š -šú áš-bu-ti ù d i n G i r.<br />
m e š a-šib lib-bi-šú-un ú-paḫ-ḫir-ma a-na u r u.b à d– m ia-ki-na ú-še-ribma<br />
ú-dan-ni-na kir-ḫe]-˹e˺-[šú]<br />
2´ [10 n i n d a.t a.à m la-pa-an b à d-šú G a l-i ú-né-si-ma 2 m e ina 1 k ù š d a G a l<br />
ḫa-ri-ṣi iš-kun-ma 1 1/2 n i n d a ú-šap-pil-ma ik-šu-da a.m e š nag]-bi<br />
3´ [bu-tuq-tu ul-tu qé-reb íd.b u r a n u n.k i ib-tuq-ma ú-šar-da-a ta-mir-tuš<br />
a.G à r.m e š -šú a-šar mit-ḫu-ṣi a.m e š im-ki-ir-ma ú-šap-ši-qa né-b]er-tu<br />
4´ [šu-ú a-di l ú re-ṣi-šú é r i n.m e š m è -šú i-na bi-rit íd.m e š ki-ma ku-mé-e.<br />
m u š e n za-ra-tú l u G a l-ti-šú iš-kun-ma ú-pa-ḫi-ra ka-ras]-su<br />
5´ [i-na qí-bit a n.š á r d a G d a m a r.u t u u G u íd.m e š -šú a-ram-mu ú-šak-bi-isma<br />
šá-a-šú ga-du l ú mun-taḫ-ṣi-šu G i m t i 8.m u š e n mut-tap-ri-ši a-baršú<br />
i-n]a ? še-e-ti
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II 73<br />
6´ [pag-re nu-bal-li-šú ù l ú aḫ-la-me-e ṣa-ab e d i n a-li-kut i-de-e-šú kima<br />
pu-ṣu-de-e-ma i-ta-at u r u-šú ú-ma]l-li<br />
7´ [u r u.b à d– m ia-ki-ni é ni-ṣir-ti-šú u r u iq-bi– d e n u r u kap-ru u r u.é– m zabi-da-a-a<br />
u r u šá-at–s u m.n a u r u za-ra-a-ti u r u raq-qa-tu u r u e-ku-uššú<br />
u r u ḫur-sa]g-G a l 5.l á.m e š<br />
8´ [u r u.b à d– d e n–u r u-ia u r u.b à d– d e n.l í l u r u.é– m ki-ib-la-te u r u némed–<br />
d 30 u r u li-mi-tu4 u r u mad-a-kal-šá 15 u r u.m e š dan-nu-ti a-di u r u.<br />
m e š ša l]i-˹me-te˺-š[ú-un t]i-la-niš ú-še-me<br />
9´ [u n.m e š ṣe-ḫer ra-bi a-ši-bu-ut na-ge-e ù d i n G i r.m e š ti-ik-li-šú-un<br />
iš-te-niš áš-lu-lam-ma la e-zi-b]a mul-taḫ-ṭu<br />
10´ [... b]u ? šá be-lut-si-in<br />
11´ [...] x u G u k u r-ia ú-˹rad-dè ? ˺<br />
12´ [... k]ur IB Ṣa [x x]<br />
13´ [...] ˹ d ˺a m a r.u t u ik-ri-bi-šú [i-še-me]<br />
14´ [...] ˹a˺-a ir-šu-šu r[e-e-mu]<br />
TranslaTiOn<br />
(1–4) [Sargon (II), great king, mighty king, king of the world, king of Assyria,<br />
viceroy of Babylon, king of the l<strong>and</strong> of Sumer <strong>and</strong> Akkad, king of the four quarters<br />
(of the world), favourite] of the great gods, [... The gods Aššur, Nabû, (<strong>and</strong>) Marduk,<br />
(my helpers,) granted me a reign without equal <strong>and</strong> exa]lted [my good reputation]<br />
to the h[eights. I continually acted as provider for Sippar, Nippur, Babylon (<strong>and</strong><br />
Borsippa), (<strong>and</strong>) I made restitution for] the wrongful damage [suffered by the people<br />
of privileged status, as many as there were (of them). I] resto[red the exemption of<br />
Baltil (=Assur) <strong>and</strong> Ḫarran that had fallen into oblivion in the distant past (<strong>and</strong>)<br />
their privileged status that had lapsed].<br />
(5–10) [...] ... [... like] the light of the moon [... i]n Nineveh <strong>and</strong> Kalḫu [...] I<br />
created [th]eir holy [...] <strong>and</strong> [...] I built <strong>and</strong> made shine [like the sun ... that from the<br />
beginning of my reign until] the fourteenth year for the gods who dwell [...]<br />
(11–14) [In accordance with my own wishes, I built a city at the foot of Mount<br />
Muṣri, upstream from Nineveh, <strong>and</strong>] I named it [Dur]-Šarrukin. [I had the gods<br />
Ea, Sîn, Šamaš, Nabû, Adad, Ninurta, <strong>and</strong> their great spouses fashioned inside<br />
Eḫursaggalkurkurra <strong>and</strong>] I installed (them) [the]re in an everlasting shrine. I built<br />
there [palace halls using ivory, ebony, boxwood, musukkannu-wood, cedar, cypress,<br />
juniper, burašu-juniper <strong>and</strong> terebinth to be my royal dwelling] <strong>and</strong> [... I made the<br />
enemy soldiers whom I had taken captive dwell inside it in security <strong>and</strong>] I counted<br />
it amo[ng the cu]lt centres of Assyria.<br />
(15–33) [With the support of the great gods, I advanced <strong>and</strong> ruled the peoples<br />
from the Upper Sea to the Lower Sea as if (they were) one (people)]. I subjugated<br />
[incompliant l<strong>and</strong>s (<strong>and</strong>)] unsubmissive [mou]ntain regions. [...] they set their faces
74 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
[... I establ]ished <strong>and</strong> I made their blood flow down the gullies (<strong>and</strong>) mountain<br />
ravine(s). [...] I settled [i]n the l<strong>and</strong> of Ḫatti. [...] of an inaccessible mountain he<br />
sought refuge. (20) [...] ... <strong>and</strong> he grasped my feet. [... I] deported them (<strong>and</strong>)<br />
settled (them) in the l<strong>and</strong> of Ḫatti. [...] ... <strong>and</strong> I imposed fear upon the people of the<br />
Mannean l<strong>and</strong>. [...] <strong>and</strong> I settled (them) in the l<strong>and</strong> of Ḫamath. [...] I brought their<br />
substantial [tribute] to Assyria. (25) [...] I established <strong>and</strong> imposed on them the<br />
yoke of my lordship. [...] I conquered. [...] I tore down, demolished, (<strong>and</strong>) set on<br />
fire. [...] they ceased giving their annual [tribute. ...] ... I conquered <strong>and</strong> defeat[ed]<br />
them. (30) [...] I took to Assyria. [...] upon Adâ of the l<strong>and</strong> of Šurda I imposed the<br />
yoke of the god [Aššur. ... Ianzû, king of the l<strong>and</strong> of Na’iri, ... Ḫubu]škia, his royal<br />
city [...] ... [...]<br />
Lacuna<br />
(1´–4´) [In the face of my advance, Marduk-apla-iddina (Merodach-Baladan)<br />
gathered together the inhabitants of his cities <strong>and</strong> the gods dwelling in them<br />
<strong>and</strong> brought (them) into the city of Dur-Iakin. He strengthened its enclosure<br />
wa]ll. [Moving back a distance of ten nindanu (ca. 60 meters) from the front of<br />
the main wall, he made a moat 200 cubits (ca. 100 m.) wide. He made (it) one <strong>and</strong><br />
one-half nindanu (ca. 9 m.) deep <strong>and</strong> reached gro]und [water. He cut a channel<br />
from the Euphrates River, (thereby) bringing (water) to its irrigated l<strong>and</strong>. He put<br />
its farml<strong>and</strong>, the place where battles (are fought) under water <strong>and</strong> made cros]sing<br />
[difficult. Together with his allies (<strong>and</strong>) his combat troops, he pitched his royal tent<br />
in a bend of the river like a crane <strong>and</strong> assembled] his [army].<br />
(5´–9´) [At the comm<strong>and</strong> of the gods Aššur, Nabû, (<strong>and</strong>) Marduk I had a causeway<br />
packed down across his canals (by the feet of my soldiers) <strong>and</strong> I caught him,<br />
together with his warriors, like a flying eagle i]n a net. [I fil]led [the surroundings<br />
of his city with the corpses of his vanguard <strong>and</strong> of the Aḫlamu, the people of the<br />
steppe who go at his side like mongooses. The city of Dur-Iakin – his treasure house<br />
– (<strong>and</strong>) the cities of Iqbi-Bel, Kapru, Bit-Zabidaia, Šat-iddina, Zarati, Raqqatu,<br />
Ekuššu, Ḫursa]ggallî, [Dur-Bel-aliya, Dur-Enlil, Bit-Kiblate, Nemed-Sîn, Limitu,<br />
(<strong>and</strong>) Madakalša, (a total of) 15 strong cities, together with the towns in] th[eir<br />
nei]ghbourhood, I turned into [ru]in mounds. [I carried off as booty at the same<br />
time (both) the people – young (<strong>and</strong>) old – who lived in (that) district <strong>and</strong> the gods<br />
in whom they had trusted; I did not all]ow a (single) person to escape.<br />
(10´–12´) [...] whose lordship [...] I added to my l<strong>and</strong> [...] ... [...].<br />
(13´–14´) [...] the god Marduk [will (then) listen to] his prayers. [...] may they<br />
not have p[ity] on him!
cOmmenTary<br />
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II 75<br />
1) Restorations are based on Cyprus Stele ii 1–4 (Winckler 1889: 174). The stele<br />
has a-x [x x] after migir ilāni rabûti which Winckler restores as a-[li-kut maḫ-ri-ia]<br />
but it is not clear that there is sufficient room for all that on the Stele <strong>and</strong> there is<br />
certainly not room for it on this cylinder unless part went on to the next line. Cf.<br />
also such texts as the Bull Inscription lines 1–2, the Display Inscription from Room<br />
XIV line 1, the Display Inscription lines 1–3, <strong>and</strong> Pavement Stone 5 lines 1–4 that<br />
add é.G a l at the beginning (Fuchs 1994: 61, 75 190, <strong>and</strong> 272), <strong>and</strong> the Tang-i Var<br />
Inscription line 11 (Frame 1999: 36).<br />
2) Restorations are based on Cyprus Stele ii 5–8 (Winckler 1889: 174). Cf. also<br />
such texts as the Khorsabad Cylinder line 3, Bull Inscription lines 3–5, <strong>and</strong> the<br />
Display Inscription lines 3–5 (Fuchs 1994: 32, 61, <strong>and</strong> 190–192); note also Display<br />
Inscription from Room XIV line 2 that adds d i n G i r.m e š ti-ik-li-ia after d a m a r.u t u<br />
(Fuchs 1994: 75).<br />
3) Restorations are based upon Cyprus Stele ii 9–12 (Winckler 1889: 174, but<br />
note that Winckler erroneously assumes there is room to restore u Barsippa at the<br />
end of line 9). Cf. also such texts as the Nineveh Cylinder fragment BM 122614 +<br />
122615 line 1´ (Thompson 1940: 86), the Display Inscription from Room XIV line<br />
3, the Display Inscription lines 5–7, <strong>and</strong> Pavement Stone 5 lines 4–6 (Fuchs 1994:<br />
75, 191 <strong>and</strong> 272); the latter three add ù bár-sipa.k i after k á.d i n G i r.r a.k i.<br />
4) Restorations are based upon Cyprus Stele ii 18–21 (Winckler 1889: 174–<br />
176). See also such texts as Nineveh Cylinder fragment BM 122614 + 122615 line<br />
2´ (Thompson 1940: 86), Display Inscription from Room XIV line 5, the Display<br />
Inscription lines 10–12, <strong>and</strong> Pavement Stone 5 lines 9–11 (Fuchs 1994: 75, 192 <strong>and</strong><br />
272–273). Restore possibly ma-’a-du-ti (Display Inscription) or ul-lu-ú-ti (Display<br />
Inscription from Room XIV <strong>and</strong> Pavement Stone 5) instead of ru-qu-(ú)-ti.<br />
5–10) Since lines 10b–14 match the Nineveh Cylinder fragment BM 122614<br />
+ 122615 lines 7b´–11´ for the most part, lines 5–10a of our text might match the<br />
other’s fragmentary lines 3´–7´ that mention silver for work on Eḫursaggalkurkurra,<br />
the cella of the god Aššur in the temple of Aššur at Assur (3´), the goddesses Queenof-Nineveh<br />
<strong>and</strong> Lady-of-Arbela (4´) <strong>and</strong> silver for work on Eḫulḫul, the abode of<br />
Sîn at Ḫarran (6´). Both passages mention several cities <strong>and</strong> both refer to pure/<br />
shining items (lines 3´, 6´ <strong>and</strong> 7´, using ebbu to refer to silver, <strong>and</strong> line 8 of the<br />
new text from Melid, using k ù.m e š to refer to some (unpreserved) objects, <strong>and</strong> cf.<br />
ušanbiṭ in line 9). Nevertheless there is no apparent overlap in what is preserved<br />
in the two texts <strong>and</strong> thus any assumption that the two passages might be similar or<br />
duplicates must remain supposition. The Nineveh Cylinder fragment BM 122614 +<br />
122615 has in lines 3´–7´:
76 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
3´ [...] za-’a-lu-ú eb-bu a-na ši-pir é-ḫur-sag-gal-kur-kur-ra at-man d aššur<br />
x [...]<br />
4´ [...] x su ú t a r ˹d a ? ˺ d šar-rat n i n a.k i ù d be-let u r u l í m m u-ìl ši-pir x<br />
[...]<br />
5´ [...] x ṣi-˹in˺-di bu-ru-mi [...]<br />
6´ [...] x [x] 7 1/2 m a .n a k ù.b a b b a r eb-bu a-na ši-pir é-ḫúl-ḫúl maš-tak<br />
d 30 a-šib u r u ḫar-ra-a[n ...]<br />
7´ [... m a ].n a k ù.b a b b a r eb-bu ni-siq-ti n a 4.m e š la ni-bi ša ul-tu s a G<br />
l u G a l-ti-˹ia˺ a-di m u .15.k á m a-na d i n G i r.m e š a-ši-b[u-ut ...]<br />
(Thompson 1940: 86–87 <strong>and</strong> 112 Fig. 1 no. 1; the passage has been collated <strong>and</strong><br />
the fragment has ša before ul-tu, not [am(?)]-ḫur as read by Thompson.) Most of<br />
line 5´ is left blank on the cylinder. Cf. also the Nimrud Prism i 25–28 (see Fuchs<br />
1998: 5); note that line 28 has [G]im u d.d a ˹ú˺-[nam-mir ...] <strong>and</strong> our cylinder has<br />
u d.d a in line 6.<br />
6) Cf. perhaps lines 28–29 of the Silver Tablet inscription (Fuchs 1994: 50):<br />
... né-reb-ši-na / d š e š.k i-re-eš ú-šaḫ-l[i], “... I made their entrances as bright as the<br />
moon.”<br />
9) Or perhaps z[i-mu-šú]; see CAD N/1: 23 sub nabāṭu 4.a.<br />
10) Sargon’s fourteenth year was 708. The restoration is based upon the Nineveh<br />
Cylinder fragment BM 122614 + 122615 line 7´ <strong>and</strong> in view of the ša before ul-tu<br />
there (see above commentary to lines 5–10), the passage “from the beginning of my<br />
reign until the fifteenth year” is not understood to open a new section. The Nineveh<br />
Cylinder fragment, like this text, goes on to describe the construction of Dur-<br />
Šarrukin <strong>and</strong> the installation of its gods in their shrines (lines 8´–11´). If restored<br />
correctly, the Assyrian eponym chronicle states that the construction of Sargon’s<br />
new capital Dur-Šarrukin began in 717 <strong>and</strong> that the city was inaugurated on the<br />
sixth day of the second month of 706, with (statues of) the gods having already<br />
been installed in the new city in 707, Sargon’s fifteenth year (Millard 1994: 47–48<br />
<strong>and</strong> 60). Cf. the Display Inscription, which following a lengthy passage giving the<br />
extent of the king’s realm (“from Iadnana in the middle of the Western Sea… to the<br />
border of Dilmun”) <strong>and</strong> stating that he had installed governors over those areas <strong>and</strong><br />
imposed his royal yoke upon them, opens a new section with “From the beginning<br />
of my reign until my fifteenth palû (15 b a l a-ia)” (Fuchs 1994: 196 line 23) <strong>and</strong><br />
proceeds to list the major (military) events of the period, commencing with the<br />
battle at Der against the Elamite Humbanigaš <strong>and</strong> the conquest of Samaria.<br />
11–14) Restorations are based upon the Nineveh Cylinder fragment BM 122614<br />
+ 122615 (Thompson 1940: 87 lines 8´–11´) <strong>and</strong> cf. such other texts as the Display
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II 77<br />
Inscription lines 154–156 <strong>and</strong> 158–159 <strong>and</strong> Pavement Stone 5 lines 94–101 (Fuchs<br />
1994: 235–237 <strong>and</strong> 267–268).<br />
15–33) These lines appear to describe the subjugation of peoples in the<br />
mountainous regions to the East <strong>and</strong> Northeast of Assyria <strong>and</strong> their resettlement<br />
in the West <strong>and</strong> Northwest. In particular, mention is made of the settlement some<br />
persons or group in the l<strong>and</strong> of Ḫatti (lines 18 <strong>and</strong> 21), the imposition of fear upon<br />
the Mannean people (line 22), the settlement of someone or some group in the l<strong>and</strong><br />
of Ḫamath (line 23), the imposition of the [Assyrian] yoke upon Adâ, ruler of the<br />
l<strong>and</strong> of Šurda (line 31), <strong>and</strong> likely Ḫubuškia (line 32), which was the royal city of<br />
Ianzû, ruler of the l<strong>and</strong> of Na’iri.<br />
15) Cf. for example Nineveh Cylinder fragment BM 122614 + 122615 line 12´<br />
(Thompson 1940: 87, collated), Display Inscription from Room XIV line 6 (Fuchs<br />
1994: 75), Pavement Stone 5 lines 12–14 (Fuchs 1994: 273) <strong>and</strong> Cyprus Stele ii<br />
22–27 (Winckler 1889: 176).<br />
18 <strong>and</strong> 21) Display Inscription line 57 says Sargon settled in the city of Damascus<br />
<strong>and</strong> in the l<strong>and</strong> of Ḫatti people from the cities of Sukkia, Bala, Abitikna, Pappa <strong>and</strong><br />
Lalluknu (Fuchs 1994: 208–209; cf. the Khorsabad cylinder line 28 [Fuchs 1994:<br />
36]). According to the Khorsabad Annals, in Sargon’s third palû (719) people from<br />
the Mannean cities of Sukkia, Bala <strong>and</strong> Abitikna were deported from their homes<br />
<strong>and</strong> resettled in the l<strong>and</strong> of Ḫatti <strong>and</strong> the l<strong>and</strong> of Amurrû (or literally in the l<strong>and</strong> of<br />
Ḫatti of the l<strong>and</strong> of Amurrû) <strong>and</strong> in his fifth palû (717) people from the Mannean<br />
cities of Pappa <strong>and</strong> Lalluknu were deported <strong>and</strong> settled in the city of Damascus of<br />
the l<strong>and</strong> of Amurrû (Fuchs 1994: 91–92 <strong>and</strong> 94–95 lines 66–68 <strong>and</strong> 76–78). Thus<br />
it is possible the Melid cylinder is referring to the settlement of Manneans from<br />
Sukkia, Bala <strong>and</strong> Abitikna deported in 719.<br />
19–20) Could this refer to the submission of the Mannean Ullusunu in Sargon’s<br />
sixth regnal year (716)? The Display Inscription states that Ullusunu took refuge<br />
in an inaccessible mountain region (šadî marṣi, literally: difficult mountain) <strong>and</strong><br />
later came from there to grasp the feet of Sargon (Fuchs 1994: 203 lines 40–41 <strong>and</strong><br />
206 line 50; cf. 99–100 lines 87–89). The idiom šaḫātu + emēdu is also used by<br />
Sargon’s scribes in connection with the flight of the Urarṭian ruler Ursâ from his<br />
royal city of Ṭurušpâ <strong>and</strong> that of various other Urarṭians in Sargon’s eighth palû<br />
(714) (Thureau-Dangin 1912: 26 line 150 <strong>and</strong> 40 line 252; Weidner 1937–1939:<br />
146 <strong>and</strong> pl. 11 no. 2 line 252) <strong>and</strong> the flight of the Elamite ruler Šutur-Naḫundi in<br />
Sargon’s twelfth palû (710) (Fuchs 1994: 152 line 304).<br />
22) We should possibly read at the beginning of the line [... e-t]i ? -iq-ma, “[...<br />
I cr] ossed <strong>and</strong>,” or restore some other form of the verb etēqu. Assyrian forces<br />
conducted several major campaigns into/through/near Mannea during the reign of<br />
Sargon, in particular in 719, 716, 715, 714, 713, <strong>and</strong> 706, but people were also<br />
deported from that l<strong>and</strong> in 717.
78 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
23) Sargon’s inscriptions refer to the settlement of three groups of people in<br />
Ḫamath: (1) Assyrian criminals (l ú.aš-šur-a-a e n ḫi-iṭ-ṭi) in his second palû (720)<br />
(Winckler 1889: 178 ii 61–62; Thompson 1940: 87 lines 18–20; <strong>and</strong> Hawkins 2004:<br />
160 Side B lines 5–8); (2) people from the l<strong>and</strong> of Karalla <strong>and</strong> Ittî (ruler of the l<strong>and</strong><br />
of Allabria), together with his family, in Sargon’s sixth palû (716) (Fuchs 1994: 37<br />
lines 32–33, 98–100 lines 84–90, <strong>and</strong> 208 line 56); <strong>and</strong> (3) Daiukku (a Mannean<br />
governor) <strong>and</strong> his family in Sargon’s seventh palû (715) (Fuchs 1994: 106 lines<br />
102–103 <strong>and</strong> 206 line 49).<br />
31) According to the Nineveh Prism, in Sargon’s eighth palû (= ninth palû of the<br />
Khorsabad Annals = 713) Amitašši of Karalla had attempted to incite Adâ of Šurda<br />
to hostilities against Assyria, but Adâ was overwhelmed by Sargon’s splendour,<br />
killed Amitašši, <strong>and</strong> submitted to the Assyrian king, sending Sargon tribute as well<br />
as the severed head of Amitašši <strong>and</strong> two of the latter’s sons (Fuchs 1998: 37 v.b–d<br />
8–27). The Khorsabad Cylinder states that Sargon imposed the yoke of Aššur upon<br />
Adâ of the l<strong>and</strong> of Šurda (Fuchs 1994: 37 line 33). The l<strong>and</strong> of Šurda is only attested<br />
in inscriptions of Sargon <strong>and</strong> its location is not known, although it is likely to have<br />
been situated in the Zagros Mountains near Karalla, which lay in the vicinity of<br />
Tang-i Var (see Frame 1999 for the location of Karalla).<br />
32) The location of Ḫubuškia is not certain; Parpola <strong>and</strong> Porter tentatively<br />
suggest that it might be Iranian Ḫāne on the Lower Zab close to the Iraqi-Iranian<br />
border (Parpola & Porter 2001: 10 <strong>and</strong> map 4 E4). Ianzû, the king of the l<strong>and</strong> of<br />
Na’iri, whose capital was the city of Ḫubuškia, gave tribute to Sargon in the latter’s<br />
seventh <strong>and</strong> eighth palûs (715 <strong>and</strong> 714) according to the Khorsabad Annals (Fuchs<br />
1994: 106 line 104 <strong>and</strong> 113 lines 147–148); see also Display Inscription line 54<br />
(Fuchs 1994: 207).<br />
Lacuna. Since Sargon’s inscriptions often describe military actions in a<br />
geographical order (see Fuchs 1994: 388–398), rather than a chronological one,<br />
it is possible that following the description of military campaigns to the East <strong>and</strong><br />
Northeast there was a section (now missing) that recorded campaigns in the West<br />
before the text turned to Babylonia.<br />
1´–9´) These lines describe the conquest of Dur-Iakin, the stronghold of<br />
Merodach-Baladan, <strong>and</strong> the destruction of that city, events that took place in 709<br />
<strong>and</strong> 707 respectively. For restorations, see in particular the Nimrud Prism vi 27–<br />
62 (Gadd 1954: 186). The cylinder fragment of Sargon II found at Arslantepe in<br />
1968 also preserves part of this account (Castellino 1975: 71 lines 9´–17´), but the<br />
two pieces cannot come from the same cylinder since they diverge following this<br />
passage (see below). The exact location of Dur-Iakin in the marshes of southern<br />
Babylonia is not known, but see Parpola & Porter 2001: 8 <strong>and</strong> Map 16 C2 for<br />
a possible location. With regard to the capture <strong>and</strong> destruction of Dur-Iakin, see<br />
Tadmor 1958: 96–97, Powell 1982: 59–61, <strong>and</strong> Millard 1994: 48 <strong>and</strong> 60.
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II 79<br />
10´–12´) What is preserved here does not appear to match what follows the<br />
preceding passage in either the Nimrud Prism (Gadd 1954: 186 vi 63ff.) or the<br />
cylinder fragment of Sargon found at Arslantepe in 1968 (Castellino 1975: 72 lines<br />
18´ff.) that go on to describe Sargon’s freeing citizens of Sippar, Nippur, Babylon<br />
<strong>and</strong> Borsippa who had been held captive in Dur-Iakin, the restoration of the fields of<br />
those individuals that the Sutians had taken away, the re-establishment of privileges<br />
for various cities in southern Babylonia, the return of (statues of) gods that had<br />
been removed from their sanctuaries <strong>and</strong> the re-establishment of their regular<br />
offerings. It is possible that this passage described the campaign against Mutallu of<br />
Kummuḫu in 708 <strong>and</strong> possibly the capture of Melid (suggestion A. Fuchs). So little<br />
is preserved of line 12´ that is not clear whether it goes with the preceding section<br />
(lines 10´– 11´) or the following one (lines 13´–14´). It is arbitrarily put with the<br />
former here.<br />
11´) NE does not normally st<strong>and</strong> for dè in syllabic Akkadian texts after the Old<br />
Babylonian period (see Borger 2004: 313 no. 313), but no other likely reading for<br />
the traces comes to mind.<br />
13´–14´) For blessings <strong>and</strong> curses at the end of Sargon´s royal inscriptions, cf.<br />
for example Display Inscription from Room XIV lines 85 (mentioning Aššur not<br />
Marduk) <strong>and</strong> 87 (Fuchs 1994: 81). In view of the plural ir-šu-šu in 14´, it might be<br />
better to assume a plural form at the end of 13´ <strong>and</strong> the names of one or more other<br />
gods before Marduk, but there is not sufficient room to restore [i-še-mu-ú] at the<br />
end of the line.<br />
addendum 1: The cylinder fraGmenT <strong>Of</strong> sarGOn ii fOund<br />
aT arslanTePe in 1968<br />
The cylinder fragment found north of the mound of Arslantepe in 1968 was given<br />
the inventory number 855 (registration date 14.IX.1968) <strong>and</strong> is currently preserved<br />
in the Malatya Museum. The inscription was published by Giorgio R. Castellino in<br />
1975 with a photo, copy, edition <strong>and</strong> study (Castellino 1975); see also Frame 2004:<br />
176–177 for a photo <strong>and</strong> translation of the text. The beginning of the inscription<br />
has part of an account recording that the Nubian ruler of Egypt Šapataku’ (Šebitko)<br />
h<strong>and</strong>ed over to Sargon II a rebel (Iamani of the Philistine city Ashdod) who had<br />
fled to Egypt (lines 1´–5´); the start of lines 2´ <strong>and</strong> 4´ can be restored [... m ia-mani<br />
m a n -š]ú [G i]š.t u k u l.m e š -ia <strong>and</strong> [ m šá-pa-ta-ku-u]’ based upon the inscription of<br />
Sargon from Tang-i Var lines 19–20 (see Frame 1999: 36 <strong>and</strong> Na’aman 1999: 63<br />
no. 65). The rest of the inscription describes Sargon’s campaigns against Mardukapla-iddina<br />
II <strong>and</strong> his stronghold of Dur-Iakin (lines 6´–17´), Sargon’s actions to<br />
improve conditions in the newly conquered Babylonia (lines 18´–24´), <strong>and</strong> his<br />
triumphal entry into Babylon (lines 25´–27´). The inscription can be restored from
80 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
passages in texts from Dur-Šarrukin, Kalḫu, Nineveh, <strong>and</strong> Tang-i Var (Gadd 1964:<br />
185–187, Fuchs 1994: 226–231, Frame 1999: 36; <strong>and</strong> some of the Nineveh cylinder<br />
fragments mentioned in Addendum 2). The mention of the destruction of Dur-Iakin<br />
indicates that the inscription was composed in or after 707, when that event took<br />
place.<br />
Castellino states that his initial work on the inscription was done from imperfect<br />
photographs <strong>and</strong> that his copy was made during a brief stay at Malatya in 1972.<br />
This is undoubtedly why his copy <strong>and</strong> edition do not match exactly what is on the<br />
fragment in a few places. I was able to collate the text from a cast of the piece kindly<br />
loaned to me through the courtesy of Dr. M. Frangipane <strong>and</strong> the most important<br />
improvements to the copy <strong>and</strong> edition published by Castellino are the following:<br />
3´ ... é.G a l-šú; -šú omitted on copy <strong>and</strong> in transliteration<br />
9´ ... -ibila-, not -d u m u- of copy; transliteration correctly has -t u r.u š-<br />
10´ ...-˹es˺-si-, not -k u-pa(?)- of copy; transliteration correctly has -es-si-<br />
14´ ... aḫ-la-mi-i ṣ[a-ab, not aḫ-la-l u m-i ṣ[a- of copy or aḫ-la-mi-˹iá˺ [<br />
of transliteration<br />
16´ ... é- m ki-, not é-ki- of copy or é d Ki- of transliteration<br />
24´ [k u r š]u-a-tu4, not [x] a-na-ku of copy or [x x] x a-na-ku of<br />
transliteration; a-zu-uz-˹ma˺ [, not a-su-uz-ma [ of copy;<br />
transliteration correctly has a-zu-uz-ma [<br />
addendum 2: cylinder inscriPTiOns <strong>Of</strong> sarGOn ii<br />
In addition to the cylinder inscriptions found at Arslantepe, the following cylinder<br />
inscriptions of Sargon II are also attested:<br />
a) Khorsabad Cylinder: Approximately fifty copies of this text on prism-like<br />
cylinders have been discovered at Khorsabad <strong>and</strong> one additional copy was found<br />
at Nineveh (BM 123413 + 123422 [1932-12-10,356 + 365]). The text is written<br />
in Neo-Assyrian script <strong>and</strong> records the construction of the city of Khorsabad, <strong>and</strong><br />
in particular the building of its palace <strong>and</strong> city wall. The latest event mentioned<br />
in the inscription (deportation of the people of Bit-Purutaš) date to the Sargon’s<br />
ninth regnal year (713). Complete cylinders have 8–10 ribs/faces <strong>and</strong> a complete<br />
inscription has 77 lines, although many exemplars omit lines 34–43 of the full text.<br />
(Fuchs 1994: 29–44 <strong>and</strong> 289–296.)<br />
b) Nimrud Cylinder Fragment ND 3411: The fragmentary left end of a prismlike<br />
cylinder found at Nimrud is now preserved in the Iraq Museum. In as far as it<br />
is preserved, the text summarizes events in Sargon’s reign up until the king’s ninth<br />
year (713). The inscription is written in Neo-Babylonian script. (Gadd 1954: 175,<br />
198–201 <strong>and</strong> pl. 51.)
A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II 81<br />
c) Nineveh Cylinder Fragment K 1660: A fragment of a prism-like cylinder in<br />
the Kuyunjik collection of the British Museum preserves parts of the beginning <strong>and</strong><br />
end of an inscription of Sargon II written in Neo-Babylonian script. It mentions<br />
events up until the king’s eleventh regnal year (711). (Winckler 1894: pl. 4.)<br />
d) Schoyen Cylinder Fragment 2368: The fragmentary left end of a prism-like<br />
cylinder with no known provenance bears parts of nineteen lines of an inscription<br />
written in Neo-Babylonian script that must date to no earlier than 711 in view of<br />
a reference to Sargon’s campaign against Gurgum/Marqasi <strong>and</strong> Kammanu. This<br />
piece will be published by the author together with other Middle Assyrian <strong>and</strong> Neo-<br />
Assyrian royal inscriptions in the Schoyen collection.<br />
e) Moussaieff Cylinder Fragment: K. Abraham <strong>and</strong> J. Klein have recently<br />
published a fragment of a prism-like cylinder in the collection of Mr. Shlomo<br />
Moussaieff that preserves parts of fourteen lines of an inscription of Sargon.<br />
The inscription is written in Neo-Babylonian script <strong>and</strong>, as far as it is preserved,<br />
summarizes events of the king’s reign up until his eleventh palû (711); in large<br />
part, it duplicates or is similar to passages in a–d above. The piece has no known<br />
provenance. (Abraham & Klein 2007; I am grateful to Kathleen Abraham for<br />
allowing me to see the manuscript of the article before it was published.)<br />
f) Nineveh Cylinder Fragment BM 98528 (Th 1905–4–9,34): This cylinder<br />
fragment preserves part of an account written in Neo-Assyrian script describing<br />
Sargon’s capture <strong>and</strong> destruction of Dur-Iakin <strong>and</strong> his triumphal entry into Babylon.<br />
The inscription partially overlaps those on BM 123416 (see h below) <strong>and</strong> the two<br />
cylinder fragments found at Arslantepe during Italian excavations. It must date<br />
from 707 or later. (See King 1914: 53.)<br />
g) Nineveh Cylinder Fragment BM 122614 + 122615 (Th 1930–5–8,3 + 4): This<br />
fragment from Nineveh bears an inscription in Neo-Assyrian script that refers to<br />
various military actions, including victories over Urarṭu, Ḫamath, <strong>and</strong> Kummuḫu,<br />
<strong>and</strong> records the building of the city of Dur-Šarrukin <strong>and</strong> its palace. (Thompson<br />
1940: 86–89 <strong>and</strong> 112–13 figs. 1–2 no. 1.)<br />
h) Nineveh Cylinder Fragment BM 123416 (1932-12-10,359): Parts of 23 lines<br />
of an inscription describing Sargon’s defeat of Marduk-apla-iddina II <strong>and</strong> triumphal<br />
entry into Babylon are found on this fragment of the right end of a cylinder<br />
discovered in Assurnaṣirpal II’s palace at Nineveh. The inscription is written in<br />
Neo-Assyrian script <strong>and</strong> partially overlaps what is on BM 98528 (see f above) <strong>and</strong><br />
the two cylinder fragments found at Arslantepe during Italian excavations. (See<br />
Lambert & Millard 1968: 24.)<br />
i) Nineveh Cylinder Fragment BM 98518 (Th 1905-4-9,24): This fragment from<br />
a cylinder of Sargon II preserves parts of 12 lines written in Neo-Assyrian script.<br />
The first part of the text is poorly preserved but lines 5´–11´ duplicate parts of BM
82 Gr a n t Fr a m e<br />
122614 + 122615 lines 8´–14´ (g above). The inscription is mentioned in Renger<br />
2003: 235 n. 38. 3<br />
j) Nineveh Cylinder Fragment BM 98724 (Th 1905–4–9,230): This fragment<br />
comes from the left end of a prism-like cylinder <strong>and</strong> preserves parts of 10 lines of<br />
an inscription written in Neo-Assyrian script. The text has some of the epithets of<br />
Sargon, including reference to his [destruction of Karalla], Šurda, Kišesi, Ḫar[har<br />
...], as well as his laying waste to the l<strong>and</strong> of Urarṭu <strong>and</strong> his making the princes of<br />
[Ḫamath, Carchemish <strong>and</strong> Kummuḫu] tremble (cf. for example Pavement Slab 4<br />
lines 15–23 [Fuchs 1994: 260]). The inscription is mentioned in Renger 2003: 235<br />
n. 38.<br />
k) Tell Haddad Cylinder Fragment: A fragment of the right end of an eightsided<br />
prism-like cylinder was found at Tell Haddad “in the area of housing outside<br />
the temple of Nergal.” Neither the excavation number nor museum number of the<br />
piece is stated in the published literature. In as far as it is preserved, the inscription,<br />
written in Neo-Babylonian script, is almost a total duplicate of the Khorsabad<br />
Cylinder. (Al-Rawi 1994: 36 fig. 4 <strong>and</strong> 37–38 no. 3.)<br />
l) Uruk Cylinder: This cylinder (YBC 2181) records the restoration of the Eanna<br />
temple at Uruk for the goddess Ištar <strong>and</strong> is said to come from Uruk. It is written<br />
in Neo-Babylonian script, has two columns of 40 <strong>and</strong> 41 lines respectively, <strong>and</strong><br />
bears a colophon (ii 39–41) stating that it was a copy of the original inscription.<br />
The inscription is modeled upon one of Marduk-apla-iddina II <strong>and</strong> would have<br />
been composed sometime after Sargon’s expulsion of Marduk-apla-iddina from the<br />
throne of Babylon in 710. (Frame 1995: 146–149 B.6.22.3.)<br />
m) Tell Baradān Cylinder Fragment (IM 85067): A fragment of a prism-like<br />
cylinder preserving parts of three faces <strong>and</strong> eight lines of inscription written in<br />
Neo-Babylonian script was found at Tell Baradān in the Diyala region by Iraqi<br />
archaeologists. The fragmentary text duplicates or restores parts of the inscription(s)<br />
found on nos. b–e above. Karlheinz Kessler will publish this inscription; he kindly<br />
provided me with information on it <strong>and</strong> allowed me to mention it here. 4<br />
3 My gratitude must be expressed to Christopher Walker for collations of this <strong>and</strong> several other<br />
cylinder fragments in the British Museum <strong>and</strong> to the Trustees of the British Museum for permission<br />
to use these texts here.<br />
4 The piece was brought to my attention after this article had already been submitted for publication<br />
<strong>and</strong> I am grateful to the editors of this volume for allowing me to add this entry while the<br />
volume was in the course of preparation.
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502<br />
aBBreviaTiOns<br />
A = tablets in the collections of Istanbul Arkeoloji Müzereli; Assur; ABL = Ha r p e r<br />
1892–1914; ADD = Jo H n s 1898–1923; AHw. = v o n So d e n 1958–1981;<br />
Ann. = Annals; anor 8 = po H l 1933; AO = tablets in the collections of the<br />
Musée du Louvre; AR = ko H l e r & un G n a d 1913; Ass = field numbers of<br />
tablets excavated at Assur; ARI = Assyrian Royal Inscriptions; ARRIM =<br />
Annual Review of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project; Ass =<br />
siglum of texts excavated in the German excavations in Assur; AT = field<br />
numbers of tablets excavated at Arslantepe.<br />
Bab = field numbers of tablets excavated at Babylon; BAK = Hu n G e r 1968; BaM<br />
= Baghdader Mitteilungen; BBR = Zi m m e r n 1901; BBSt = ki n G 1912;<br />
BIN 1 = ke i s e r 1918; BIN 2 = ni e s & ke i s e r 1920; BM = tablets in the<br />
collections of the British Museum.<br />
CAD = The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the <strong>University</strong> of Chicago<br />
1955–; CDA = bl a c k, Ge o r G e & po s t G a t e 2000; CRRAI = Compte rendu,<br />
Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale; CT 36 = bu d G e 1921; CT 38 =<br />
Ga d d 1925; ct 40 = Ga d d 1927; CT 53 = pa r p o l a 1979; CT 54 = di e t r i c H<br />
1979; CTN 1 = ki n n i e r wi l s o n 1972; CTN 2 = po s t G a t e 1973a; CTN 3<br />
= da l l e y & po s t G a t e 1984; CTN 4 = wi s e m a n & bl a c k 1996; CTN 5 =<br />
sa G G s 2001.<br />
DAW = kä m m e r e r & sc H w i d e r s k i 1998; DB = Darius’ Behistun inscription; DISO<br />
= Je a n & Ho f t i J Z e r 1965; DJBA = so k o l o f f 2002b; DJPA = so k o l o f f<br />
2002a; DNWSI = Ho f t i J Z e r & Jo n G e l i n G 1995.<br />
EA = Kn u d t Z o n 1915; ePSD = The electronic Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary;<br />
EŞ = Eski Şark Eserleri Müzesi of the Arkeoloji Müzeleri, Istanbul; ETCSL<br />
= bl a c k et al. 1998–2006.<br />
FGrH = Ja c o b y 1926; FLP = tablets in the collections of the Free Library of<br />
Philadelphia.<br />
GCCI 1 = do u G H e r t y 1923a.<br />
HAL = ko e H l e r & ba u m G a r t n e r 1994–2000; HED = pu H v e l 1984–.<br />
IM = tablets in the collections of the Iraq Museum, Baghdad.<br />
K = tablets in the Kuyunjik collection of the British Museum; KAI = do n n e r &<br />
rö l l i G 1962–1964; KAJ = eb e l i n G 1927; KAR = eb e l i n G 1919; KBo 28 =<br />
kü m m e l 1998; Ki = tablets in the collections of the British Museum; KUB<br />
43 = ri e m s c H n e i d e r 1972.<br />
LAS II = pa r p o l a 1983; LS = br o c k e l m a n n 1928.<br />
MARV 1 = fr e y d a n k 1976; MARV 2 = fr e y d a n k 1982; MARV 4 = fr e y d a n k<br />
2001; MAss = siglum of texts excavated in the German excavations at<br />
Assur in 1990; MDOG = Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft;<br />
MDP 4 = sc H e i l 1902; MSL = Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon; MZL<br />
= bo r G e r 2004.<br />
nalk = kw a s m a n 1988; naoma = fr e y d a n k & sa p o r e t t i 1979; NAT = pa r p o l a<br />
1970a; NATAPA = De l l e r, Fa l e s & Ja k o b-ro s t 1995; ND = field numbers<br />
of tablets excavated at Nimrud; Ner. = ev e t t s 1892; NL = H. W. F. sa G G s,<br />
The Nimrud Letters (Iraq 17 [1955], etc.); NWL = ki n n i e r wi l s o n 1972.<br />
oma 1–2 = sa p o r e t t i 1970.<br />
PBS 10/1 = la n G d o n 1915; PKTA = Eb e l i n G 1950; PNA 1/I = ra d n e r 1998; PNA 1/<br />
II = ra d n e r 1999d; PNA 2/I = ba k e r 2000; PNA 2/II = ba k e r 2001; PNA<br />
3/I = ba k e r 2002; PRT = kl a u b e r 1913; PSD = Pennsylvania Sumerian<br />
Dictionary; pva = la n d s b e r G e r & Gu r n e y 1957/58.
Bibliography 503<br />
RGTC 7/I = ba G G 2007; RGTC 8 = Za d o k 1985; RGTC 11 = va l l a t 1983; RIMA<br />
1 = Gr a y s o n 1987; RIMA 2 = Gr a y s o n 1991; RIMA 3 = Gr a y s o n 1996;<br />
RIMB 2 = fr a m e 1995; RIME 4 = fr a y n e 1990; Rm = tablets in the<br />
collections of the British Museum.<br />
SAA 1 = pa r p o l a 1987; SAA 2 = Pa r p o l a & Wa t a n a b e 1988; SAA 3 = li v i n G s t o n e<br />
1989; SAA 4 = st a r r 1990; SAA 5 = la n f r a n c H i & pa r p o l a 1990; SAA 6<br />
= kw a s m a n & pa r p o l a 1991; SAA 7 = fales & po s t G a t e 1992; SAA 8 =<br />
Hu n G e r 1992; SAA 9 = pa r p o l a 1997; SAA 10 = pa r p o l a 1993; SAA 11 =<br />
fales & po s t G a t e 1995; SAA 12 = ka t a J a & wH i t i n G 1995; SAA 13 = co l e<br />
& ma c H i n i s t 1998; SAA 14 = mattila 2002; SAA 15 = fu c H s & pa r p o l a<br />
2001; SAA 16 = lu u k k o & va n bu y l a e r e 2002; SAA 17 = di e t r i c H 2003;<br />
SAA 18 = re y n o l d s 2003; Sm = tablets in the collections of the British<br />
Museum; SpTU 2 = v o n weiHer 1983; SpTU 3 = v o n weiHer 1988; SpTU 4<br />
= v o n weiHer 1993; St. = Stele; StAT 2 = do n b a Z & pa r p o l a 2001; STT 1 =<br />
Gu r n e y & finkelstein 1957; STT 2 = Gu r n e y & Hu l i n 1964.<br />
TCL 3 = tH u r e a u-da n G i n 1912; TCL 9 = Co n t e n a u 1926; TCL 12 = co n t e n a u<br />
1927; TCL 13 = co n t e n a u 1929; TCL 16 = d e Ge n o u i l l a c 1930; TEBR =<br />
Jo a n n è s 1982; Th = tablets in the collections of the British Museum; TUL<br />
= eb e l i n G 1931.<br />
UET 6 = Ga d d & kr a m e r 1963–1966; UT = Go r d o n 1965.<br />
VA = siglum of objects in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin; VAT = tablets in<br />
the collections of the Staatliche Museen, Berlin.<br />
YBC = siglum of tablets in the Yale Babylonian Collection; YOS 3 = cl a y 1919;<br />
YOS 6 = do u G H e r t y 1923b; YOS 17 = we i s b e rG 1980.<br />
ZT = field numbers of tablets excavated at Ziyaret Tepe.