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Grammaire des civilisations
"Refreshingly broad-brush in its approach...this history provides the big picture."—The Christian Science Monitor. Written from a consciously anti-enthnocentric approach, this fascinating work is a survey of the civilizations of the modern world in terms of the broad sweep and continuities of history, rather than the "event-based" technique of most other texts.
Contents
List of maps
Translator´s introduction
By way of preface
Introduction: History and the present day
I. A HISTORY OF CIVILIZATIONS
1. Changing vocabulary
2. The study of civilization involves all social sciences
3. The continuity of civilizations
II. CIVILIZATIONS OUTSIDE EUROPE
Part I. Islam and the Muslim World
4. History
5. Geography
6. The greatness and decline of Islam
7. The revival of Islam today
Part II: Africa
8. The past
9. Black Africa: Today and tomorrow
Part III: The Far East
10. An introduction to the Far East
11. The China of the past
12. China yesterday and today
13. India yesterday and today
14. The maritime Far East
15. Japan
III. EUROPEAN CIVILIZATIONS
Part I: Europe
16. Geography and freedom
17. Christianity, humanism and scientific thought
18. The industrialization of Europe
19. Unity in Europe
Part II: America
20. Latin America, the other New World
21. America par excellence: the United States
22. Failures and difficulties: From yesterday to the present
23. An English-speaking Universe
Part III: The other Europe: Muscovy, Russia, the USSR and the CIS
24. From the beginning to the October Revolution of 1917
25. The USSR after 1917
Index
Contents
List of maps
Translator´s introduction
By way of preface
Introduction: History and the present day
I. A HISTORY OF CIVILIZATIONS
1. Changing vocabulary
2. The study of civilization involves all social sciences
3. The continuity of civilizations
II. CIVILIZATIONS OUTSIDE EUROPE
Part I. Islam and the Muslim World
4. History
5. Geography
6. The greatness and decline of Islam
7. The revival of Islam today
Part II: Africa
8. The past
9. Black Africa: Today and tomorrow
Part III: The Far East
10. An introduction to the Far East
11. The China of the past
12. China yesterday and today
13. India yesterday and today
14. The maritime Far East
15. Japan
III. EUROPEAN CIVILIZATIONS
Part I: Europe
16. Geography and freedom
17. Christianity, humanism and scientific thought
18. The industrialization of Europe
19. Unity in Europe
Part II: America
20. Latin America, the other New World
21. America par excellence: the United States
22. Failures and difficulties: From yesterday to the present
23. An English-speaking Universe
Part III: The other Europe: Muscovy, Russia, the USSR and the CIS
24. From the beginning to the October Revolution of 1917
25. The USSR after 1917
Index
624 pages, Mass Market Paperback
First published January 1, 1963
About the author
Fernand Braudel
245 books450 followersFernand Paul Achille Braudel was a French historian and a leader of the Annales School. His scholarship focused on three main projects: The Mediterranean (1923–49, then 1949–66), Civilization and Capitalism (1955–79), and the unfinished Identity of France (1970–85). His reputation stems in part from his writings, but even more from his success in making the Annales School the most important engine of historical research in France and much of the world after 1950. As the dominant leader of the Annales School of historiography in the 1950s and 1960s, he exerted enormous influence on historical writing in France and other countries.
Braudel has been considered one of the greatest of the modern historians who have emphasized the role of large-scale socioeconomic factors in the making and writing of history. He can also be considered as one of the precursors of world-systems theory.
Braudel has been considered one of the greatest of the modern historians who have emphasized the role of large-scale socioeconomic factors in the making and writing of history. He can also be considered as one of the precursors of world-systems theory.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 81 reviews
January 18, 2020
Αυτό το βιβλίο κυκλοφόρησε αρχικά σαν σχολικό στην τελευταία τάξη λυκείου της Γαλλίας. Είναι απλώς εντυπωσιακό, αν συγκρίνω με τα ελληνικά σχολικά βιβλία ιστορίας.
August 25, 2008
Braudel is considered one of the great 20th c. historians. He fought the French educational establishment to broaden the scope of history to include material from sociology, anthropology, geography, etc., and above all economics. This was in opposition to the traditional kings and battles approach, and this book was intended as a textbook (not accepted by the authorities). Arguably the movement’s been quite fruitful, but this book is a very mixed bag – occasionally excellent, sometimes quite bad, and usually mediocre to good. It’s also not a history of civilizations - it deals with what Braudel considered the great living civilizations – and rather than being history as usually understood, it describes primary characteristics of each with some development over time. Even the treatment of each “civilization” varies a great deal from one to the next, e.g. considerable space is devoted to the literature of Latin America while not to the others. The civilizations included are the Muslim World, Black Africa, the Far East (includes India), then Europe and European civilization elsewhere (to which he devotes half the book).
In spite of the many gaps, blind spots and weaknesses, there are some real high points and original insights. For example, Braudel points out that, while the Crusades are usually seen as unmitigated folly in the West, and while they achieved nothing lasting on land, at their beginning the Mediterranean was dominated by Islam while at their end it was dominated by the West. This had important consequences limiting Islamic power and culture while removing constraints from those of the West. He’s probably at his best dealing with the West and Islam, and at his worst dealing with Latin America. To his credit he doesn’t pass over Africa as so many do, but gives it reasonable attention, describing among other things the great trading societies which grew up as a result of contact with Islam. His take on the United States is fairly sane, with useful analyses of the evolution of American capitalism and of the centralization of power and growth of bureaucracy in the Executive branch of the Federal government. But the section on the US has its share of romanticisms and a couple chauvinisms (that statement probably applies to all societies outside Europe, and perhaps to European ones as well). His take on the Soviet Union is balanced to slightly sympathetic, although it’s odd that we never hear of the millions killed by Stalin (or Mao).
Braudel’s rejection of traditional historical narrative, with its landmarks and mileposts, sometimes leaves you wondering what, where and when it is that he’s talking about. More importantly, he has a great weakness for making overarching generalizations, usually devoid of rational arguments stocked with facts which might lead us to share his conclusions. It’s often transparently obvious that these generalizations can neither explain the entire phenomenon they purport to explain, nor can the explanation be so simple. After a few of these you start to question Braudel’s judgment. He also spends a fair amount of time contemplating then-contemporary problems and speculating about the future. He defends this, but his performance is unconvincing, particularly in light of events since he wrote (1962). All the same, for someone who doesn’t expect this book to be comprehensive or even, and who reads it along with world histories which are, it’s still worth reading for its strengths and for the not-infrequent original insights.
In spite of the many gaps, blind spots and weaknesses, there are some real high points and original insights. For example, Braudel points out that, while the Crusades are usually seen as unmitigated folly in the West, and while they achieved nothing lasting on land, at their beginning the Mediterranean was dominated by Islam while at their end it was dominated by the West. This had important consequences limiting Islamic power and culture while removing constraints from those of the West. He’s probably at his best dealing with the West and Islam, and at his worst dealing with Latin America. To his credit he doesn’t pass over Africa as so many do, but gives it reasonable attention, describing among other things the great trading societies which grew up as a result of contact with Islam. His take on the United States is fairly sane, with useful analyses of the evolution of American capitalism and of the centralization of power and growth of bureaucracy in the Executive branch of the Federal government. But the section on the US has its share of romanticisms and a couple chauvinisms (that statement probably applies to all societies outside Europe, and perhaps to European ones as well). His take on the Soviet Union is balanced to slightly sympathetic, although it’s odd that we never hear of the millions killed by Stalin (or Mao).
Braudel’s rejection of traditional historical narrative, with its landmarks and mileposts, sometimes leaves you wondering what, where and when it is that he’s talking about. More importantly, he has a great weakness for making overarching generalizations, usually devoid of rational arguments stocked with facts which might lead us to share his conclusions. It’s often transparently obvious that these generalizations can neither explain the entire phenomenon they purport to explain, nor can the explanation be so simple. After a few of these you start to question Braudel’s judgment. He also spends a fair amount of time contemplating then-contemporary problems and speculating about the future. He defends this, but his performance is unconvincing, particularly in light of events since he wrote (1962). All the same, for someone who doesn’t expect this book to be comprehensive or even, and who reads it along with world histories which are, it’s still worth reading for its strengths and for the not-infrequent original insights.
September 24, 2016
The conqured always submit to the stronger; but their submission is merely provisional when civilisations clash.
Jaw dropping analysis and synthesis. Braudel took the heavy lifting of his notable trilogy and applied it to a primer, a survey of world history for young students. Starting with Islam and ending with Russia, Braudel uses the long view to explore the definitions of civilization and the migrations, faiths and systems which have cultivated such. I was staggered by the beauty of Braudel on India: luminous poetry.
Jaw dropping analysis and synthesis. Braudel took the heavy lifting of his notable trilogy and applied it to a primer, a survey of world history for young students. Starting with Islam and ending with Russia, Braudel uses the long view to explore the definitions of civilization and the migrations, faiths and systems which have cultivated such. I was staggered by the beauty of Braudel on India: luminous poetry.
May 18, 2022
F. Braudelio "Civilizacijų gramatika" susidomėjau iškart kai tik pasirodė naujienos, kad pasirodo šio garsaus mokslininko ir vieno didžiausių XX a. istorikų monolitinio ir kolosalaus kūrinio vertimas į lietuvių kalbą.
Nepasakyčiau, kad likau sužavėtas.
Taip, taip, šis negrožinės literatūros kūrinys į gyvenimą paleistas dar net XX a. septintojo dešimtmečio pradžioje su postscriptiniais pastebėjimais 1966 m. Obettačiaukadangi, man jis nelabai prilipo.
Autorius išsamiai aptaria pagrindines civilizacijas - Europą, Ameriką, Artimuosius ir Tolimuosius rytus ir t.t. Taip, pripažįstu, jis pakapsto gilokai, ypač pirmoje knygos dalyje, leidžiasi į Antiką, priešistorę ir galiausiai prieinama prie moderniųjų laikų. Daug dėmesio skiriama industrializacijai, socioekonominėms, kultūrinėms, geopolitinėms temoms.
Bet. Autorius akivaizdžiai perdeda, hiperbolizuoja kai kuriuos įvykius. Jis kartais netgi painioja datas, na, gal labiau netiksliai įvardija. Kijevo Rusios maišymas su Rusija - too much. Autorius neslepia savo prielankumo socializmui. Apie Lietuvą užsimena paviršutiniškai - kaip apie amžinus pagonis, tik visiškoje amžių pabaigoje tapusius moderniais, pamini mūsų valstybę ir SSRS kontekste, bet labiau kaip sovietų maitintoją.
Tam tikras socializmo, komunizmo gynimas ir perdėtas kapitalizmo ydų demonstravimas liudija apie autoriaus politinį angažuotumą ir netoliaregišką pasaulio matymą, remiantis penkmečio planais.
Bet, summa summarum, visai neblogas civilizacijų suvokimo pradžiamokslis. Kartais gali nervinti triaukščiai moksliniai terminai ir sakinių, kurių pabaigoje, juos skaitydamas, pamiršti jų pradžios esmę, tačiau istoriškai tikrai neblogai išdirbtas veikalas, nors ir ne pats nepriekaištingiausias.
Nepasakyčiau, kad likau sužavėtas.
Taip, taip, šis negrožinės literatūros kūrinys į gyvenimą paleistas dar net XX a. septintojo dešimtmečio pradžioje su postscriptiniais pastebėjimais 1966 m. Obettačiaukadangi, man jis nelabai prilipo.
Autorius išsamiai aptaria pagrindines civilizacijas - Europą, Ameriką, Artimuosius ir Tolimuosius rytus ir t.t. Taip, pripažįstu, jis pakapsto gilokai, ypač pirmoje knygos dalyje, leidžiasi į Antiką, priešistorę ir galiausiai prieinama prie moderniųjų laikų. Daug dėmesio skiriama industrializacijai, socioekonominėms, kultūrinėms, geopolitinėms temoms.
Bet. Autorius akivaizdžiai perdeda, hiperbolizuoja kai kuriuos įvykius. Jis kartais netgi painioja datas, na, gal labiau netiksliai įvardija. Kijevo Rusios maišymas su Rusija - too much. Autorius neslepia savo prielankumo socializmui. Apie Lietuvą užsimena paviršutiniškai - kaip apie amžinus pagonis, tik visiškoje amžių pabaigoje tapusius moderniais, pamini mūsų valstybę ir SSRS kontekste, bet labiau kaip sovietų maitintoją.
Tam tikras socializmo, komunizmo gynimas ir perdėtas kapitalizmo ydų demonstravimas liudija apie autoriaus politinį angažuotumą ir netoliaregišką pasaulio matymą, remiantis penkmečio planais.
Bet, summa summarum, visai neblogas civilizacijų suvokimo pradžiamokslis. Kartais gali nervinti triaukščiai moksliniai terminai ir sakinių, kurių pabaigoje, juos skaitydamas, pamiršti jų pradžios esmę, tačiau istoriškai tikrai neblogai išdirbtas veikalas, nors ir ne pats nepriekaištingiausias.
September 4, 2020
Braudel bu kitabında uygarlıkların tarihini anlatıyor. Yani tek tek Almanların yahut Türklerin değil, Avrupa'nın, İslamın, Amerika'nın tarihini, yazıldığı günü (kitap 63'te yazıldı) açıklayacak şekilde ele alıyor. Yani "şunu da anlatmazsak olmaz, tarihi önemi var" gibi bir kaygı güdülmüyor, örneğin İstanbul'un fethinden tamamen başka bir bağlam içinde üstün körü bahsedilip geçiliyor. Amaç sosyolojiyi tarihsel nedenlerle birlikte ele almak. Örneğin bunun için yeri geliyor ekonomiden, yeri geliyor dinden, yeri geliyor teknolojik gelişmelerden, yeri geliyor edebiyattan bahsediliyor. Benim tarih okurken beklentim %100 buydu, bu yüzden çok memnumum. İsimler, kişiler, savaşlar, yerler değil; bir insan grubunu topluluk yapan, uygarlıkların temellerini oluşturan, kültürü bir araya getiren o gizemli parçalar aranıyor. Benim için son derece faydalı bir okuma oldu. Ama belli başlı artı ve eksileri var.
Bugünün okuru için kitabın en büyük eksisi eski tarihli olması. Ben bunu bir seri okumanın parçası olarak gördüğüm ve sonrasında başka kitaplarla aynı konuları okumayı planladığım için dert etmedim, fakat yalnızca bu kitabı okuyacak birine önermezdim. Örneğin hâlâ Soğuk Savaş'ın devam ettiği bir zaman diliminde yazılmış bir kitap bu. Ondan sonra bazı uygarlıklar çok büyük kırılmalar yaşadı. Bu yüzden örneğin kitaptaki Amerika tarihi, Rus tarihinden, Çin tarihinden daha güncel kalıyor. Buna rağmen hem bu büyük devletlerin arka planını hem de bugünün kültürünü ve siyasetini anlamak için çok kıymetli bir okuma oldu benim için. Kitabın anlatmayı tercih ettiği hemen her şeyi çok beğendim. Zaten kafamda dönüp duran soruların bir çoğuna cevap oldu. Belki eski tarihli kitap ama binlerce yıllık tarihin esas önemli noktalarına parmak basılıyor.
İkinci en büyük eksisi, Mehmet Ali Kılıçbay'ın kitabı son derece kötü bir şekilde çevirmiş olması. Kitap fiyatlarından yıllardır yakınırım, ama kötü çeviri okumaktan gına geldiği için 600 küsur sayfalık bir kitaba 112 lira fiyat biçildiğini gördüğümde "Herhalde çevirisi iyidir," diye düşünmüştüm. Bir de çevirmenin önsözdeki özgüvenini görünce iyice umutlanmıştım ama zaman zaman anlamamış ve tamamen bulamaç cümleler atmış; söyleneni anlasa bile yazmayı bilmiyor, her cümleyi kafanızda çevirip tekrar okuyorsunuz. Bu da okuma sürecini son derece meşakkatli bir hâle getiriyor. Artık buraya gelip çeviri şöyle kötü böyle kötü diye yazmaktan gerçekten sıkıldım. Bilhassa kurgu dışı kitaplarda inanılmaz büyük bir çeviri sorunu var. Biraz baktım, Foucault çevirilerini de Kılıçbay yapmış, orada da sıçıp sıvamış. Türkçe okuyamayacağız, bu anlaşıldı. Bir de şu kitaba piyasada aynı kalınlıktaki kitaplardan iki kat fazla para isteyen İmge'nin bende beşinci baskısı olan bu kitabı biraz olsun düzeltmemesi, içine düştüğümüz karanlığı gösteriyor. Braudel'in diğer kitaplarını alıp okuyayım diyorum, çevirilerini Kılıçbay yaptığı için elim gitmiyor almaya.
Bugünün okuru için kitabın en büyük eksisi eski tarihli olması. Ben bunu bir seri okumanın parçası olarak gördüğüm ve sonrasında başka kitaplarla aynı konuları okumayı planladığım için dert etmedim, fakat yalnızca bu kitabı okuyacak birine önermezdim. Örneğin hâlâ Soğuk Savaş'ın devam ettiği bir zaman diliminde yazılmış bir kitap bu. Ondan sonra bazı uygarlıklar çok büyük kırılmalar yaşadı. Bu yüzden örneğin kitaptaki Amerika tarihi, Rus tarihinden, Çin tarihinden daha güncel kalıyor. Buna rağmen hem bu büyük devletlerin arka planını hem de bugünün kültürünü ve siyasetini anlamak için çok kıymetli bir okuma oldu benim için. Kitabın anlatmayı tercih ettiği hemen her şeyi çok beğendim. Zaten kafamda dönüp duran soruların bir çoğuna cevap oldu. Belki eski tarihli kitap ama binlerce yıllık tarihin esas önemli noktalarına parmak basılıyor.
İkinci en büyük eksisi, Mehmet Ali Kılıçbay'ın kitabı son derece kötü bir şekilde çevirmiş olması. Kitap fiyatlarından yıllardır yakınırım, ama kötü çeviri okumaktan gına geldiği için 600 küsur sayfalık bir kitaba 112 lira fiyat biçildiğini gördüğümde "Herhalde çevirisi iyidir," diye düşünmüştüm. Bir de çevirmenin önsözdeki özgüvenini görünce iyice umutlanmıştım ama zaman zaman anlamamış ve tamamen bulamaç cümleler atmış; söyleneni anlasa bile yazmayı bilmiyor, her cümleyi kafanızda çevirip tekrar okuyorsunuz. Bu da okuma sürecini son derece meşakkatli bir hâle getiriyor. Artık buraya gelip çeviri şöyle kötü böyle kötü diye yazmaktan gerçekten sıkıldım. Bilhassa kurgu dışı kitaplarda inanılmaz büyük bir çeviri sorunu var. Biraz baktım, Foucault çevirilerini de Kılıçbay yapmış, orada da sıçıp sıvamış. Türkçe okuyamayacağız, bu anlaşıldı. Bir de şu kitaba piyasada aynı kalınlıktaki kitaplardan iki kat fazla para isteyen İmge'nin bende beşinci baskısı olan bu kitabı biraz olsun düzeltmemesi, içine düştüğümüz karanlığı gösteriyor. Braudel'in diğer kitaplarını alıp okuyayım diyorum, çevirilerini Kılıçbay yaptığı için elim gitmiyor almaya.
February 11, 2013
When I first stumbled across Braudel, it was through his complex multi-volume
Civilization and Capitalism, 15th–18th Centuries
which I attacked as side-reading during my Western Civ class at Ohio State. And his insights, like the impact of Watt's and Newcomen's steam engine on the field of mining (and thus energy potential, spurring the British Industrial Revolution). In fact, his insights -- along with Ronan and Needham's
The Shorter Science and Civilization in China
made up my entire exposure to modern "historical thought" in college. After that, my studies moved increasingly to math and science. And away from the humanities.
Until recently, that is. It may be a sign of age, but I've recently had a growing interest in world history after watching the PBS special on Indian history. Which made me realize how ignorant I truly was about history.
So I was intrigued when I saw A history of Civilizations at a used book store. And purchased it without thinking. Not only was the author an old friend, whose insights helped me get some great grades on my Western Civ papers in the late 80's, but the topic was my "new interest."
First off, I liked the book. It painted cultures in broad strokes, which I appreciated. I also loved the way that it tells all sorts of stories. Like the fact that the Mediterranean was a "Muslim pond" through the medieval times. And Braudel does a relatively even-handed job laying out histories of the Americas, Africa, The Middle East and China and the East.
All broad stroke portraits. But, at this point in my studies, exactly what I needed.
There are weaknesses, though. I found a lot of the broad portraits too simplistic, something which shocked me in Braudel. Until I found out that it was initially written to be a middle school text.
And then it dawned on me. The book is doing exactly what a good middle school text aught do -- introduce me to a topic. Pique my interest. And keep me exploring, but with some solid idea of where things "fit." I give this book 4 stars because it is well written, but it is really a 3.5, rounded up.
Until recently, that is. It may be a sign of age, but I've recently had a growing interest in world history after watching the PBS special on Indian history. Which made me realize how ignorant I truly was about history.
So I was intrigued when I saw A history of Civilizations at a used book store. And purchased it without thinking. Not only was the author an old friend, whose insights helped me get some great grades on my Western Civ papers in the late 80's, but the topic was my "new interest."
First off, I liked the book. It painted cultures in broad strokes, which I appreciated. I also loved the way that it tells all sorts of stories. Like the fact that the Mediterranean was a "Muslim pond" through the medieval times. And Braudel does a relatively even-handed job laying out histories of the Americas, Africa, The Middle East and China and the East.
All broad stroke portraits. But, at this point in my studies, exactly what I needed.
There are weaknesses, though. I found a lot of the broad portraits too simplistic, something which shocked me in Braudel. Until I found out that it was initially written to be a middle school text.
And then it dawned on me. The book is doing exactly what a good middle school text aught do -- introduce me to a topic. Pique my interest. And keep me exploring, but with some solid idea of where things "fit." I give this book 4 stars because it is well written, but it is really a 3.5, rounded up.
September 27, 2012
Braudel’s book, unlike many histories, does not offer us a chronology of sociopolitical events from the Fertile Crescent up to now, the way many textbooks are arranged. Instead, he takes what he deems to be the major civilizations as of 1962 – Islam, Africa, Asia, and the West – and looks at them in a more well-rounded manner, incorporating demographic, sociological, economic and cultural information into the description of the various societies. This gives what feels like a more well-rounded exploration of each civilization, but has some definite drawbacks as well.
For instance, without a distinct chronology to latch onto, the reader ends up drifting a bit. While this project is something of a reaction against names-and-dates types of history, this more complex approach is forced to usurp some of the narrative power that comes from a linear “story.” Dates pop up now and again, and important years are highlighted, but they are heavily indebted to whatever topic Braudel is on about at that moment, not any sense of progression. Also, for anyone looking to know all those names-and-dates, this is a terrible volume: you won’t learn the names of the Kings of England, or the dynasties of China, or any of that, and at several points Braudel assumes the reader knows who historical figures are without giving any context (in his chapter on the USSR, for instance, Trotsky is referred to very seldom, and only by last name with no biographical information). This is, of course, the price you pay when you read this kind of history, but it’s worth a word of warning for readers looking for something else.
The other big issue is the book’s datedness. While at times Braudel is surprisingly egalitarian and open-minded in his approaches, one still can’t help but notice that France is in a somewhat special place in the book, and that blanket statements about how “they” live in various non-Western cultures pop up every now and then (the section on “Black Africa,” though clearly well-meaning, shows its cringe-inspiring age). It’s from 1962, very clearly, and so post-colonialism is still a very new thing, as well as the changing face of Europe after World War II. The Cold War is also peaking at about this time, and so a large section of the book is dedicated to the Soviet Bloc, despite its chronological brevity when compared with societies within Islam and China.
As many other reviewers are quick to point out, the book was commissioned as a middle-school textbook (but deemed too difficult), so some of the analysis is clearly a bit less involved than it might have been if Braudel’s intended audience had been older. But this is an unusual kind of history for anyone who’s used to the one-damn-thing-after-another approach to the subject and wants to try something new.
For instance, without a distinct chronology to latch onto, the reader ends up drifting a bit. While this project is something of a reaction against names-and-dates types of history, this more complex approach is forced to usurp some of the narrative power that comes from a linear “story.” Dates pop up now and again, and important years are highlighted, but they are heavily indebted to whatever topic Braudel is on about at that moment, not any sense of progression. Also, for anyone looking to know all those names-and-dates, this is a terrible volume: you won’t learn the names of the Kings of England, or the dynasties of China, or any of that, and at several points Braudel assumes the reader knows who historical figures are without giving any context (in his chapter on the USSR, for instance, Trotsky is referred to very seldom, and only by last name with no biographical information). This is, of course, the price you pay when you read this kind of history, but it’s worth a word of warning for readers looking for something else.
The other big issue is the book’s datedness. While at times Braudel is surprisingly egalitarian and open-minded in his approaches, one still can’t help but notice that France is in a somewhat special place in the book, and that blanket statements about how “they” live in various non-Western cultures pop up every now and then (the section on “Black Africa,” though clearly well-meaning, shows its cringe-inspiring age). It’s from 1962, very clearly, and so post-colonialism is still a very new thing, as well as the changing face of Europe after World War II. The Cold War is also peaking at about this time, and so a large section of the book is dedicated to the Soviet Bloc, despite its chronological brevity when compared with societies within Islam and China.
As many other reviewers are quick to point out, the book was commissioned as a middle-school textbook (but deemed too difficult), so some of the analysis is clearly a bit less involved than it might have been if Braudel’s intended audience had been older. But this is an unusual kind of history for anyone who’s used to the one-damn-thing-after-another approach to the subject and wants to try something new.
May 5, 2014
Вж. ревюто тук (за предпочитане): http://nilolay-pulp-fictions.blogspot...
Като цяло основните трудове на Бродел акцентират върху периода 15-18 век, с притегателен център Западна Европа. За да не се заблуди човек по заглавието е необходимо да се уточни, че цивилизациите, които се разглеждат в книгата, са онези, които се развиват след разпадането на Римската империя през 5 век. Единствено за цивилизациите на Далечния Изток е отделено внимание на периода пр. Хр. Книгата е замислена като учебник за гимназиалното образование във Франция и е европоцентрична, което идва да каже, че, наред с Русия, всички неевропейски цивилизации, с изключение на тези от Далечния Изток, са разгледани периферно – така, че да допълват европейската история и експанзия.
Мюсюлманският свят
От главата за исляма и мюсюлманския свят, освен подема на арабските учени в науката, „Златният век“ на Исляма (813-1198 г.) и пр., по подробен начин е описан пътят на идеите на Аристотел по протежението на Близкия Изток и африканския континент към Западна Европа, за да достигнат до там през Гибралтар в края на 12 век. От Древна Гърция, през Анадола и Леванта идеите на Аристотел проникват в арабския свят и пътят им е проследен през времето и пространството чрез пет големи имена в арабската наука: Ал-Кинди, Ал-Фараби, Авицена, Ал-Газали, Авероес.
На базата на динамиките около Дамаск след 7 век, включването на Тунис в Арабския халифат през същия седми век, както и изграждането на новите градове Басара (636 г.), Кайро (969 г.) и др., познанието се приплъзва през тях на запад по африканското средиземноморско крайбрежие. Чрез религиозния Ал-Кинди през втората половина на 9 век аристотеловите книги достигат Месопотамия. Турчинът Ал-Фараби (870-950 г.) поема щафетата от Алеп до Дамаск. Персийският идеалист, философ и медик Авицена (Ибн Сина 980-1037 г.) умира близо до Хамадан. Схоластикът-мистик Ал-Газали, живял в Тус (1058-1111 г.), пропуска знанието след себе си, въпреки пренебрежителното си отношение. Философът на края на света Авероес (Ибн Рушд 1126-1198 г.), роден в Кордова и умира в Маракеш. Този маратон показва, че „последният мюсюлмански философски пламък е блестял в Испания (…), но именно той ще запознае Запада с арабските философи и със самия Аристотел.“ Текстовете на Аристотел са преведени в Толедо от арабски на латински, с което се променя целият ход на историята през 13 век.
Далечният Изток
Известно е, че, обратно на Запада, Далечният Изток не разграничава светското от религиозното. „Религиозното се смесва с всички форми на човешкия живот: държавата е религия, философията е религия, моралът е религия, обществените отношения са религия.“ Вярващите почитат и вярват едновременно в различни форми на религии, мистицизъм, без да се отричат от рационализма, който паралелно присъства и се смесва с религиозното и мистичното.
Установяването на китайска земя на конфуцианството, даоизма, а по късно и на будизма не води до отстраняването на никоя от тези системи. Те по-скоро се допълват и комбинират с различни суеверия. Няма ясна граница помежду им.
Конфуцианството стремително се поддържа от кастата на Мандарините – образовани висши чиновници-управници, отговарящи за реда, дисциплината и стабилността в обществото, които в очите на западния човек изглеждат като благородници-аристократи. Мандарините се налагат като висши чиновници от началото на 3 век. Те са назначавани след сложни конкурси и кастата им, в която не е лесно да се проникне, е ограничена; те имат изключителни интелектуални сили, права, влияние и престиж; „те владеят само един занаят – да управляват, да ръководят.“ Единствено с желязната ръка на Мандарините е била възможна стабилността на огромната китайска империя. Уважението, смиреността, покорността и подчинението спрямо по-висшестоящите по възраст и ранг, които проповядва конфуцианството са в основата на мощната, стабилна и дълготрайна политическа и обществена власт.
Даоизмът, съпоставен с традиционните порядки на конфуцианството, е символ на индивидуализма, бунта и личната свобода и е враг на всяка колективна принуда, което уместно предполага потискането му от страна на Мандарините.
Будизмът е внесен в Китай от Индия, където се формира между 4 и 5 в. пр. Хр. По времето на император Ашока (273-236 г пр. Хр.) достига своя апогей. Постепенно влиянието му намалява и е подложен на асимилация от Индуизма, но в северната и северозападната част на Индия запазва влиянието си, благодарение на гръцките династии, останали след завоеванието на Александър, след което се разпространява и към централна Азия. Едва през 3 век ще се разпространи сред цялото китайско общество и дори „ще упражнява преимуществено влияние до 10 век.“
Будизмаът навлиза в Китай с речника на даоизма, което внася редица трайни недоразумения чак до 7 век. Всъщност будизма и даоизма имат дълбоки различия помежду си. За будизма тялото е атрибут – верига, докато даоизма търси „лекарство за безсмъртие“. „Самият Аз не съществува за будизма: в Нирвана всяка личност се разтваря, докато в Рая на безсмъртните даоисткият светец завинаги ще запази своята персоналност.“ Будистката представа за преминаването на душата от едно тяло в друго навлиза впоследствие и в даоизма и в неоконфуци��нството от 13 век.
След 13 век, дори до днес, в Китай, в един и същи храм могат да присъстват символите и на будизма, и на конфуцианството, и на даоизма; и могат да се наблюдават вярващи, които се обръщат последователно към статуите на всяка една от религиите. По време на Втората световна война „обща молитва в един китайски храм е била отправена към един списък от 687 божества, сред които и Христос.“ Показателен случай за конюнктура, в която никое божество не взема значително преимущество над останалите. Монголското владичество (1215-1368 г.) е оставило също своето наследство: чудотворсто, магьосничетво, анимизъм, шаманизъм.
Между 11 и 13 век в южен Китай оризът окончателно измества производството на просо и жито, когато навлизат бързо зреещите сортове на ориза, „което позволява там да се случи чудото на двойните реколти.“ Вследствие на това южен Китай става десет пъти по-населен спрямо северен.
Черният континент
Бродел разделя Африка на Черна Африка и Бяла Африка – северната част плюс Етиопия. Историческите събития и търговските пътища към Индия, минаващи през нос Добра надежда, предугаждат изграждането на пристанище на това ключово място. Така през 17 век холандците се установяват в южния, безлюден по това време, край на континента. През 1815 г. англичаните заемат мястото на холандците. По този начин в южната част на континента се създава още една Бяла Африка – просперираща, на която се налага упорито да „се отбранява срещу прииждането на черната вълна“, където след време се налага установяването на уникалния по рода си режим на Апартейд (разделяне).
Бродел пише, че през 16 век годишният приток на роби от Черна Африка в Америка е от порядъка на 1000 – 2000; през 17 век – от 10 000 – 20 000; през 19 век броят им достига 50 000 годишно. Въпреки че цифрите са обобщаващи и не много сигурни Бродел счита за достоверен общ брой от около 14 милиона негри-роби, транспортирани в Новия свят в периода 1500-1850 г.
Търговията с негри не е дяволско изобретение на Европа. Ислямът е този, който, влязъл твърде рано в контакт с Черна Африка в страните между Нигер и Дарфур и чрез своите тържища в западна Африка, пръв започва да извършва търговията с негри на едро, впрочем по същите съображения, които по-късно ще подтикнат и самата Европа: липсата на хора за извършването на множество и много тежки задачи, като се има предвид оръдията на труда. Но търговията с хора е била повсеместен факт у всички примитивни народи. Ислямът, който е съвършената робска цивилизация, не е измислил нито робството, нито търговията с роби. (с. 190)
В ислямският свят търговията с роби нараства към края 18 век. В Кайро са пристигали до 20 000 роби наведнъж. „През 1830 г. само султанът на Занзибар събира права върху 37 000 роби годишно; през 1872 г. между 10 000 и 20 000 роби годишно напускат Суаким на път за Арабия.“
Бродел поддържа тезата, че ислямската търговия с роби, започнала значително по-рано от европейската, най-вероятно е причинила загуба на значими човешки маси.
По пресмятане на историци, нас��лението на Африка около 1500 г. е от порядъка на 25-35 милиона. През 1850 то е поне 100 милиона, което ще рече, че, въпреки високата смъртност и големите загуби на население от търговията с роби, е имало демографски прираст на Черния континент.
Латинска Америка
За Бродел (в тази книга) Латинска Америка сякаш няма история преди откриването и завладяването й от португалци и испанци. Споменати са Маите, Инките и Ацтеките не толкова заради самите тях, а за да се покаже чрез тях върху какво са стъпили европейците. (Но нека не забравяме, че който има желание да чете за Маите, Инките и Ацтеките – има достатъчно литература, за Бродел в тази книга важна е новата европейска, вкл. експанзивна история).
Топонимът „латинска“ се употребява за първи път през 1865 г. във Франция, след което става общоприет в Европа за пространствата на цяла Южна Америка плюс Мексико. Там днес преобладават три раси: жълта (наричана още „червена“, това са индианците), черна (африканските роби, дошли с корабите на европейците) и бяла.
През 15 век Европа е пренаселена. След Великите географски открития започват масови миграции към Новия свят (Северна и Южна Америка). „През целия 16 век може би 100 000 мъже напускат само Севилия, за да поемат към Новия свят.“
Всяка страна в Латинска Америка има свой собствен фолклор, музика, ��риказки, които с времето са формирали множество конгломерации с африканските традиции, вярвания, магически ритуали, християнския католицизъм и пр. Типичен пример за религия, която е смесица от индиански, африкански и католически ритуали и вярвания е религията кандомбле.
Вероятно етимологията на мексиканските мариачи (които свирят за бедни и богати) идва от сватбените тържества (сватба – ‘marriage’) от времето на френската окупация.
Киевска Рус(ия) и Великорусия
Може да се каже, че Русия се появява на картата – когато изцяло обхваща във владението си земите от Балтийско море до Черно море и Каспийско море на юг, – с появата на Киевското княжество 9-13 век. През тези пространства минават процъфтяващи търговски пътища, свързващи както страните от скандинавския Север с богатия византийски Юг, така и Европа с Азия.
След мисиите на Кирил и Методий и последователното приемане на православното християнство от страна на Хазария (861 г.), Моравия (862 г), България (864 г.), Сърбия (879 г.), през 988 г. княз Владимир официално покръства Киевското княжество. От началото до средата на 11 век в Киев и в Новгород са построени първите катедрали и манастири.
Както на много други места, разпространяването на християнството не означава привързаността към езическите култове да изчезне. Те остават и образуват амалгами с православните ритуали най-вече по отношение на брака, смъртта, лечителството.
Монголското нашествие разгромява Киевското княжество през 1241 г.
Московското княжество е основано през 13 век. Защитено от горите, княжеството успява да избегне нашествията. Именно то успява да отблъсне Златната орда на монголите (които руснаците наричат татари) през 1480 г. До голяма степен монголската цивилизация е послужила за модел на новата руска държава. Някои думи (казна – държавно съкровище; деньги – пари и др.) в руския език имат монголски произход.
Иван III Велики обединява големи пространства от руски земи; именно по негово време (1462-1505 г.) московските войски минават Урал и стъпват в Сибир. През 1469 г. той се жени за София, наследница на Палеогите – последните императори на Константинопол, завладян 1453 г. Това е и основанието Москва да започне да се смята за третият Рим. Великорусия се появява на картата, когато през времето на управлението си Иван Грозни (1530-1584 г.) , който завладява градовете Казан, после Астрахан и цялото поречие на р. Волга до Каспийско Море.
Само за едно столетие (1550-1660 г.) Русия успява да завладее сибирското пространство.
http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-5zBpaGa6GJ0...
Източник: Бродел Ф., Световното време, 2005, Прозорец, София, с. 18
Иван Грозни засилва централизацията на властта:
Той успява систематично да унищожи независимите благородници, избива ги с хиляди, като конфискува земите им и го поверява на свои хора – опричниците: това са благородници на служба, които притежават земите си само докато са живи. При тези условия най-голямата ретроградна реформа на Петър I Велики е законът за майората от 1714 г., който признава на тези благородници на служба притежанието – от тях и наследниците им – на земите, които са получили. Ето как втората аристокрация се оказва утвърдена, привилегиите и титлите й са признати веднъж завинаги. По такъв начин Меншиков, фаворитът на Петър I Велики получава 100 000 крепостни… (с. 636)
Тези реформи, както и процесите, които се развиват след тях, най-вероятно оказват огромно влияние да се стигне до Революцията през 1917 г.
Петър I Велики (1672-1725 г.) разширява още руските територии, разгромявайки шведите и турците, и прави значителни реформи, освен споменатата по-горе, като се опитва да наложи западен цивилизационен модел.
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Европейската история и тази на Северна Америка също са разказани в много компактен в витиеват стил от Фернан Бродел, но ще ви оставя сами да се изненадате приятно от написаното в тези глави. А ето и още няколко откъса от книгата:
http://nilolay-pulp-fictions.blogspot...
http://nilolay-pulp-fictions.blogspot...
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Като цяло основните трудове на Бродел акцентират върху периода 15-18 век, с притегателен център Западна Европа. За да не се заблуди човек по заглавието е необходимо да се уточни, че цивилизациите, които се разглеждат в книгата, са онези, които се развиват след разпадането на Римската империя през 5 век. Единствено за цивилизациите на Далечния Изток е отделено внимание на периода пр. Хр. Книгата е замислена като учебник за гимназиалното образование във Франция и е европоцентрична, което идва да каже, че, наред с Русия, всички неевропейски цивилизации, с изключение на тези от Далечния Изток, са разгледани периферно – така, че да допълват европейската история и експанзия.
Мюсюлманският свят
От главата за исляма и мюсюлманския свят, освен подема на арабските учени в науката, „Златният век“ на Исляма (813-1198 г.) и пр., по подробен начин е описан пътят на идеите на Аристотел по протежението на Близкия Изток и африканския континент към Западна Европа, за да достигнат до там през Гибралтар в края на 12 век. От Древна Гърция, през Анадола и Леванта идеите на Аристотел проникват в арабския свят и пътят им е проследен през времето и пространството чрез пет големи имена в арабската наука: Ал-Кинди, Ал-Фараби, Авицена, Ал-Газали, Авероес.
На базата на динамиките около Дамаск след 7 век, включването на Тунис в Арабския халифат през същия седми век, както и изграждането на новите градове Басара (636 г.), Кайро (969 г.) и др., познанието се приплъзва през тях на запад по африканското средиземноморско крайбрежие. Чрез религиозния Ал-Кинди през втората половина на 9 век аристотеловите книги достигат Месопотамия. Турчинът Ал-Фараби (870-950 г.) поема щафетата от Алеп до Дамаск. Персийският идеалист, философ и медик Авицена (Ибн Сина 980-1037 г.) умира близо до Хамадан. Схоластикът-мистик Ал-Газали, живял в Тус (1058-1111 г.), пропуска знанието след себе си, въпреки пренебрежителното си отношение. Философът на края на света Авероес (Ибн Рушд 1126-1198 г.), роден в Кордова и умира в Маракеш. Този маратон показва, че „последният мюсюлмански философски пламък е блестял в Испания (…), но именно той ще запознае Запада с арабските философи и със самия Аристотел.“ Текстовете на Аристотел са преведени в Толедо от арабски на латински, с което се променя целият ход на историята през 13 век.
Далечният Изток
Известно е, че, обратно на Запада, Далечният Изток не разграничава светското от религиозното. „Религиозното се смесва с всички форми на човешкия живот: държавата е религия, философията е религия, моралът е религия, обществените отношения са религия.“ Вярващите почитат и вярват едновременно в различни форми на религии, мистицизъм, без да се отричат от рационализма, който паралелно присъства и се смесва с религиозното и мистичното.
Установяването на китайска земя на конфуцианството, даоизма, а по късно и на будизма не води до отстраняването на никоя от тези системи. Те по-скоро се допълват и комбинират с различни суеверия. Няма ясна граница помежду им.
Конфуцианството стремително се поддържа от кастата на Мандарините – образовани висши чиновници-управници, отговарящи за реда, дисциплината и стабилността в обществото, които в очите на западния човек изглеждат като благородници-аристократи. Мандарините се налагат като висши чиновници от началото на 3 век. Те са назначавани след сложни конкурси и кастата им, в която не е лесно да се проникне, е ограничена; те имат изключителни интелектуални сили, права, влияние и престиж; „те владеят само един занаят – да управляват, да ръководят.“ Единствено с желязната ръка на Мандарините е била възможна стабилността на огромната китайска империя. Уважението, смиреността, покорността и подчинението спрямо по-висшестоящите по възраст и ранг, които проповядва конфуцианството са в основата на мощната, стабилна и дълготрайна политическа и обществена власт.
Даоизмът, съпоставен с традиционните порядки на конфуцианството, е символ на индивидуализма, бунта и личната свобода и е враг на всяка колективна принуда, което уместно предполага потискането му от страна на Мандарините.
Будизмът е внесен в Китай от Индия, където се формира между 4 и 5 в. пр. Хр. По времето на император Ашока (273-236 г пр. Хр.) достига своя апогей. Постепенно влиянието му намалява и е подложен на асимилация от Индуизма, но в северната и северозападната част на Индия запазва влиянието си, благодарение на гръцките династии, останали след завоеванието на Александър, след което се разпространява и към централна Азия. Едва през 3 век ще се разпространи сред цялото китайско общество и дори „ще упражнява преимуществено влияние до 10 век.“
Будизмаът навлиза в Китай с речника на даоизма, което внася редица трайни недоразумения чак до 7 век. Всъщност будизма и даоизма имат дълбоки различия помежду си. За будизма тялото е атрибут – верига, докато даоизма търси „лекарство за безсмъртие“. „Самият Аз не съществува за будизма: в Нирвана всяка личност се разтваря, докато в Рая на безсмъртните даоисткият светец завинаги ще запази своята персоналност.“ Будистката представа за преминаването на душата от едно тяло в друго навлиза впоследствие и в даоизма и в неоконфуци��нството от 13 век.
След 13 век, дори до днес, в Китай, в един и същи храм могат да присъстват символите и на будизма, и на конфуцианството, и на даоизма; и могат да се наблюдават вярващи, които се обръщат последователно към статуите на всяка една от религиите. По време на Втората световна война „обща молитва в един китайски храм е била отправена към един списък от 687 божества, сред които и Христос.“ Показателен случай за конюнктура, в която никое божество не взема значително преимущество над останалите. Монголското владичество (1215-1368 г.) е оставило също своето наследство: чудотворсто, магьосничетво, анимизъм, шаманизъм.
Между 11 и 13 век в южен Китай оризът окончателно измества производството на просо и жито, когато навлизат бързо зреещите сортове на ориза, „което позволява там да се случи чудото на двойните реколти.“ Вследствие на това южен Китай става десет пъти по-населен спрямо северен.
Черният континент
Бродел разделя Африка на Черна Африка и Бяла Африка – северната част плюс Етиопия. Историческите събития и търговските пътища към Индия, минаващи през нос Добра надежда, предугаждат изграждането на пристанище на това ключово място. Така през 17 век холандците се установяват в южния, безлюден по това време, край на континента. През 1815 г. англичаните заемат мястото на холандците. По този начин в южната част на континента се създава още една Бяла Африка – просперираща, на която се налага упорито да „се отбранява срещу прииждането на черната вълна“, където след време се налага установяването на уникалния по рода си режим на Апартейд (разделяне).
Бродел пише, че през 16 век годишният приток на роби от Черна Африка в Америка е от порядъка на 1000 – 2000; през 17 век – от 10 000 – 20 000; през 19 век броят им достига 50 000 годишно. Въпреки че цифрите са обобщаващи и не много сигурни Бродел счита за достоверен общ брой от около 14 милиона негри-роби, транспортирани в Новия свят в периода 1500-1850 г.
Търговията с негри не е дяволско изобретение на Европа. Ислямът е този, който, влязъл твърде рано в контакт с Черна Африка в страните между Нигер и Дарфур и чрез своите тържища в западна Африка, пръв започва да извършва търговията с негри на едро, впрочем по същите съображения, които по-късно ще подтикнат и самата Европа: липсата на хора за извършването на множество и много тежки задачи, като се има предвид оръдията на труда. Но търговията с хора е била повсеместен факт у всички примитивни народи. Ислямът, който е съвършената робска цивилизация, не е измислил нито робството, нито търговията с роби. (с. 190)
В ислямският свят търговията с роби нараства към края 18 век. В Кайро са пристигали до 20 000 роби наведнъж. „През 1830 г. само султанът на Занзибар събира права върху 37 000 роби годишно; през 1872 г. между 10 000 и 20 000 роби годишно напускат Суаким на път за Арабия.“
Бродел поддържа тезата, че ислямската търговия с роби, започнала значително по-рано от европейската, най-вероятно е причинила загуба на значими човешки маси.
По пресмятане на историци, нас��лението на Африка около 1500 г. е от порядъка на 25-35 милиона. През 1850 то е поне 100 милиона, което ще рече, че, въпреки високата смъртност и големите загуби на население от търговията с роби, е имало демографски прираст на Черния континент.
Латинска Америка
За Бродел (в тази книга) Латинска Америка сякаш няма история преди откриването и завладяването й от португалци и испанци. Споменати са Маите, Инките и Ацтеките не толкова заради самите тях, а за да се покаже чрез тях върху какво са стъпили европейците. (Но нека не забравяме, че който има желание да чете за Маите, Инките и Ацтеките – има достатъчно литература, за Бродел в тази книга важна е новата европейска, вкл. експанзивна история).
Топонимът „латинска“ се употребява за първи път през 1865 г. във Франция, след което става общоприет в Европа за пространствата на цяла Южна Америка плюс Мексико. Там днес преобладават три раси: жълта (наричана още „червена“, това са индианците), черна (африканските роби, дошли с корабите на европейците) и бяла.
През 15 век Европа е пренаселена. След Великите географски открития започват масови миграции към Новия свят (Северна и Южна Америка). „През целия 16 век може би 100 000 мъже напускат само Севилия, за да поемат към Новия свят.“
Всяка страна в Латинска Америка има свой собствен фолклор, музика, ��риказки, които с времето са формирали множество конгломерации с африканските традиции, вярвания, магически ритуали, християнския католицизъм и пр. Типичен пример за религия, която е смесица от индиански, африкански и католически ритуали и вярвания е религията кандомбле.
Вероятно етимологията на мексиканските мариачи (които свирят за бедни и богати) идва от сватбените тържества (сватба – ‘marriage’) от времето на френската окупация.
Киевска Рус(ия) и Великорусия
Може да се каже, че Русия се появява на картата – когато изцяло обхваща във владението си земите от Балтийско море до Черно море и Каспийско море на юг, – с появата на Киевското княжество 9-13 век. През тези пространства минават процъфтяващи търговски пътища, свързващи както страните от скандинавския Север с богатия византийски Юг, така и Европа с Азия.
След мисиите на Кирил и Методий и последователното приемане на православното християнство от страна на Хазария (861 г.), Моравия (862 г), България (864 г.), Сърбия (879 г.), през 988 г. княз Владимир официално покръства Киевското княжество. От началото до средата на 11 век в Киев и в Новгород са построени първите катедрали и манастири.
Както на много други места, разпространяването на християнството не означава привързаността към езическите култове да изчезне. Те остават и образуват амалгами с православните ритуали най-вече по отношение на брака, смъртта, лечителството.
Монголското нашествие разгромява Киевското княжество през 1241 г.
Московското княжество е основано през 13 век. Защитено от горите, княжеството успява да избегне нашествията. Именно то успява да отблъсне Златната орда на монголите (които руснаците наричат татари) през 1480 г. До голяма степен монголската цивилизация е послужила за модел на новата руска държава. Някои думи (казна – държавно съкровище; деньги – пари и др.) в руския език имат монголски произход.
Иван III Велики обединява големи пространства от руски земи; именно по негово време (1462-1505 г.) московските войски минават Урал и стъпват в Сибир. През 1469 г. той се жени за София, наследница на Палеогите – последните императори на Константинопол, завладян 1453 г. Това е и основанието Москва да започне да се смята за третият Рим. Великорусия се появява на картата, когато през времето на управлението си Иван Грозни (1530-1584 г.) , който завладява градовете Казан, после Астрахан и цялото поречие на р. Волга до Каспийско Море.
Само за едно столетие (1550-1660 г.) Русия успява да завладее сибирското пространство.
http://3.bp.blogspot.com/-5zBpaGa6GJ0...
Източник: Бродел Ф., Световното време, 2005, Прозорец, София, с. 18
Иван Грозни засилва централизацията на властта:
Той успява систематично да унищожи независимите благородници, избива ги с хиляди, като конфискува земите им и го поверява на свои хора – опричниците: това са благородници на служба, които притежават земите си само докато са живи. При тези условия най-голямата ретроградна реформа на Петър I Велики е законът за майората от 1714 г., който признава на тези благородници на служба притежанието – от тях и наследниците им – на земите, които са получили. Ето как втората аристокрация се оказва утвърдена, привилегиите и титлите й са признати веднъж завинаги. По такъв начин Меншиков, фаворитът на Петър I Велики получава 100 000 крепостни… (с. 636)
Тези реформи, както и процесите, които се развиват след тях, най-вероятно оказват огромно влияние да се стигне до Революцията през 1917 г.
Петър I Велики (1672-1725 г.) разширява още руските територии, разгромявайки шведите и турците, и прави значителни реформи, освен споменатата по-горе, като се опитва да наложи западен цивилизационен модел.
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Европейската история и тази на Северна Америка също са разказани в много компактен в витиеват стил от Фернан Бродел, но ще ви оставя сами да се изненадате приятно от написаното в тези глави. А ето и още няколко откъса от книгата:
http://nilolay-pulp-fictions.blogspot...
http://nilolay-pulp-fictions.blogspot...
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http://nilolay-pulp-fictions.blogspot...
January 8, 2023
Δυόμιση μήνες μού πήρε να το ολοκληρώσω μα άξιζε! Αν πρέπει να γράψω ένα πράγμα για αυτή τη συμπυκνωμένη Ιστορία της Ανθρωπότητος που διδασκόταν πριν μισόν αιώνα στα Λύκεια (!) της Γαλλίας είναι πως τώρα καταλαβαίνω γιατί είναι τόσο καλύτεροί μας σε όλα οι Δυτικοευρωπαίοι.
January 9, 2014
Centralized curriculums are a generally bad idea, but when you've got one written by Fernand Braudel, it is hard not to be jealous of France. I have been saving Braudel for years, on the mistaken assumption that my French would improve enough to take him on in his original language. This is not one of his major works. In the 60s he undertook the design of a curriculum for the French school system. This lovely book came out of it.
The book is what it says, a history of all the world civilizations that a mid-century academic thought worthy of inclusion. I was surprised by its depth and even handedness. Africa and Latin American got less pages than they deserve, but there was little of the dismissiveness and racism that I expected from a man who was writing half a century ago. Other than some common misapprehensions about the power and durability of the Soviet model, there is almost nothing here that comes across as invalid or anything less than interesting. That is quite a feat of timelessness. Time to dive back into those French books so I can finally read The Mediterranean in the Age of Philip II.
The book is what it says, a history of all the world civilizations that a mid-century academic thought worthy of inclusion. I was surprised by its depth and even handedness. Africa and Latin American got less pages than they deserve, but there was little of the dismissiveness and racism that I expected from a man who was writing half a century ago. Other than some common misapprehensions about the power and durability of the Soviet model, there is almost nothing here that comes across as invalid or anything less than interesting. That is quite a feat of timelessness. Time to dive back into those French books so I can finally read The Mediterranean in the Age of Philip II.
January 17, 2013
“Find the key to a civilization: Greece, a civilization of the Aegean, from Thrace to Crete—and not a Balkan peninsula. Egypt, a civilization that tamed the Nile.” This, Braudel writes, is the key to understanding the currents of history. And his advice holds just as true for a travel writer who wants to grasp the Spirit of Place.
Separate sections of the book explore the Muslim world, Black Africa, the Far East, Western and Eastern Europe, the New World, and the “English speaking universe” of the colonies. But Braudel goes beyond history to paint a broad brush picture that draws on anthropology, sociology, geography, psychology, and linguistics. He writes in an engaging style, with “thick” descriptions that bring the larger story of humanity to life.
Separate sections of the book explore the Muslim world, Black Africa, the Far East, Western and Eastern Europe, the New World, and the “English speaking universe” of the colonies. But Braudel goes beyond history to paint a broad brush picture that draws on anthropology, sociology, geography, psychology, and linguistics. He writes in an engaging style, with “thick” descriptions that bring the larger story of humanity to life.
September 19, 2009
I have read it in Russian translation. But it is the best history book for the upper classses. It both gives a wide picture of the worlв civilizations and at the same time builds clear links between past, present and future. The approach to the history announced by Braudel on my mind is the most productive and humanitarian one.
The book is amazing bot only for its brilliant fact showing bu talso for method used, for example it gives clear and deep explanation of "civilization" as a notion in use.
The book is amazing bot only for its brilliant fact showing bu talso for method used, for example it gives clear and deep explanation of "civilization" as a notion in use.
June 7, 2015
Obviously a broad minded genius, but it is interesting to read this in view of the times, and the prophesies he makes, some fulfilled and some not.
November 18, 2012
The bits of this book that dealt with ancient civilisations I really enjoyed, but the main problem with the book was just how much was written about the 20th century from the perspective of 1962. This is a much more recent edition and seems to have more pages so perhaps that has been corrected, but as it stands this is not a book I would readily recommend to someone.
Another major failing of the book is the very strict definition of 'civilisation' that Braudel is operating with: he counts assyrian and babylonians as proto-civilisations and has very little to say about them, whereas I was hoping he would go back further, especially as he has written one of the most popular books on the ancient near east in The Mediterranean in the Ancient World.
One reason that it did suite me was the broad perspective that it was written from: I find history books that join the dots through large periods of time really helpful, due to the detailed specialisation encouraged by the academic world of history this often hard to come by. Unfortunately at times though, I felt that Braudel took this as a license to write about whatever he felt like, often giving a preference to literature over other art forms.
December 21, 2014
This was quite a revolutionary book being written in 1987. I was referred to Braudel through a number of history books and was drawn to him because he changed the way history is viewed and taught - changing the focus on epochs and drawing in influences of geography, sociology and diplomacy.
The book was quite an undertaking to write and at 570 pages was somewhat tough to get through. But it helped track most civilizations of the modern world starting with the Islamic and African worlds, working through Asia, Europe the Americas and the Soviet Union. While comprehensive it did get quite heavy during the European section, as the author is French and most familiar with this material.
The only drawback is that so much has happened since the book was written that it is a bit dated. But worth it for any real student of history.
The book was quite an undertaking to write and at 570 pages was somewhat tough to get through. But it helped track most civilizations of the modern world starting with the Islamic and African worlds, working through Asia, Europe the Americas and the Soviet Union. While comprehensive it did get quite heavy during the European section, as the author is French and most familiar with this material.
The only drawback is that so much has happened since the book was written that it is a bit dated. But worth it for any real student of history.
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September 25, 2021I read this ages ago, and had the impression it was an unfinished work. The blurb suggests it was more intended as a kind of manuel for historical studies. Anyway, it has the mark of a real Braudel: broad in scope, both historically and especially geographically, and in that sense a nice contribution to global history. But, still, it left an unsatisfying impression. It's way to long ago I read this, so I'm not going to rate it.
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January 2, 2020O historiador começa por discutir a definição de 'civilização' e comenta a história de várias civilizações ao longo de muitos séculos.
Não serve propriamente para aprender história, pois requer um conhecimento já bastante vasto da história do mundo - que eu não tenho.
Quanto ao autor: parece-me imparcial.
Não serve propriamente para aprender história, pois requer um conhecimento já bastante vasto da história do mundo - que eu não tenho.
Quanto ao autor: parece-me imparcial.
March 3, 2017
Quite dated now, of course, but an enjoyable overview nonetheless.
August 6, 2022
Old fashioned and opinionated. You can disagree, but you will be stimulated to think. Worth a read.
August 14, 2022
Fernand Braudel’s panoramic “A History of Civilisations” is audacious in scope. Were the scale attempted by a lesser scholar, the result would have been unremarkable. Under Braudel, however, the eminent historian’s brilliance is on display from page one.
A resolute thanks to translator Richard Mayne. Not only for making this great book accessible to non-French speakers, but whose preface is a valuable addition. Mayne’s work is one of the few translator’s introductions that adds depth to the scholarship. Through extracted journal entries and scattered lecture notes, he adeptly fortifies the author’s poetic expression while also contextualising Braudel’s intellectual development. The truncated biography primes the reader for Braudel’s lofty though sensitive expression that permeates his historical narrative.
Where others are content with plodding, semantic introductions designed to bore all but the most enthusiastic consumer, Braudel gallops through three centuries on a Europe-wide philological tour. He borrows freely from multiple social sciences to weave his macro historical narrative. If the disciplinary cross-pollination and intellect weren’t enough, they are complimented by beautiful syntax.
Widely recognised as the torchbearer for Bloch and Febvre’s longue durée, Braudel advocates the Annales school’s layered interpretation of the past. He forges together long-range structural insights with the impacts of the near past, unearthing the sometimes subtle tectonic shifts that affect contemporary events. “History”, Braudel writes, is the “recent and the more or less distant past… combin[ing] in the amalgam of the present.”
A society’s “collective mentality” is one of these deeper forces that shape its reactions to events of the day. Echoes from epochs past can ring forth to influence contemporary decisions, with religious beliefs being the strongest manifestation capable of disproportionately moulding a civilisation’s behaviour. We hear from Braudel that “far more than the accidents or the historical and social circumstances of a period, it [psychology or aggregate beliefs] derives from the distant past, from ancient beliefs, fears and anxieties which are almost unconscious.” While the scholar certainly overplays his hand by using negative proof (I possess a categorical aversion to the word “unconscious” to explain other’s actions), his argument that distant forces can shape current actions is nonetheless compelling.
Continuing his layered historiography, Braudel cautions against overemphasising proximate occurrences when searching for explanatory significance or causation. Passions still burn bright when the memory is fresh. While impassioned contemporary cases may offer persuasive evidence, they can also obscure waters which flow from deeper currents. Structures that shape actions only fully reveal themselves when the unit of measurement is shifted from decades to centuries.
Braudel’s civilisations are categorised into seven groups: the Near East (Islam and the Muslim world), Africa, the Far East (India, China, the “maritime Far East” (Indo-China, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Korea), Europe, America (Latin and the United States), the English speaking world (Canada, Australia, and Britain), and the “other Europe” (Russia and the USSR). Each civilisation is explored through evocative imagery conjuring natural expanses, rural towns and thriving metropoles, sacred sites and political centres; all linked by the flows of commerce and people. Braudel lucidly floats between demography, economics, and geography as he explores the world of the past.
In the Muslim world Braudel interrogates the Arab conquests over Syria (634), Egypt (639), and Persia (642). These three ancient civilisations on the Roman and Byzantine periphery stood defiant to each respective empires’ orbit. They succumbed, Braudel believes, due to a deep, ancient religious and moral affinity between their cultures and Islam. Symbiotic values catalysed an eventual welcome response to Islamic civilisation’s invitation.
Part of this philosophical fusion was between Reason and Revelation: Aristotle and the Koran. The uneasy intellectual bedfellows produced classical Islamic philosophers who were excellent dialecticians. Along with philosophical skill, most famously imparted through Averroes and Avicenna, Braudel traces the Islamic world’s development of medicine, astronomy, and chemistry.
In Braudel’s African civilisation, he leans heavily on geography and demography to explore the continent. He shows how the four major ethic groups (Pygmy, Khoekhoe, Sudanese, and Bantu) divided the landscape from the Sahara in the north, through the dense Congolese forests, to the Kalahari bushland in the south. Seventh century Muslim expansion brought northeast Africa into contact with Arabia and the Indian subcontinent, leading to the establishment of larger commercial centres and long-distance trade. Braudel then studies European colonialist’s arrival, and the imprint (both positive and negative) respective empire’s left on the landscape.
The Far East is fused together with China, India, the Phillipines, Japan and Korea. Braudel presciently divides then unites China into its ancient (“the China of the past”) and nearer past (“China of yesterday and today”) to understand the civilisation. On “China of yesterday and today” Braudel is on shaky ground. While I agree we need to celebrate successes along with learning from mistakes, his account of 1950-60s PRC history is thoroughly dated scholarship.
Braudel’s Chinese imperial history is exceptional. Religion is examined in depth, including addressing the ongoing theoretical debate about Confucianism as a religion, system of social ethics, or form of statecraft. The insightful scholar observes from the outset how the “Big Three” (Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism) were in fact grafted on to kaleidoscopic, localised folk religions and practices of ancestor worship. Local gods were subsumed when individual manors became subject to monarchic authority, but were never entirely extinguished.
Confucianism gained traction amid political disunity. Partially as a reaction against ancient religious beliefs, intellectuals sought rationalist precepts. The eventual manifestation, neo-Confucianism, was an enlightened Song Dynasty synthesis incorporating the metaphysical elements lacking from its previous incarnation. Yet Confucianism continued to draw from older peasant folk traditions. The notion of yin and yang is one example: diametric forces whose incessant interplay provides “the source of all energy in the universe.”
Of arguably equal importance were the ways Confucian learning informed governance. Confucius’ teachings were applied to the Chinese Empire’s cardinal political objectives: unity and stability. Scholar officials acquired their education through studying the Five Classics as handed down by the venerable sage and built upon by his long trail of students. To obtain office, candidates were tested through gruelling eight-legged essays (gaokao, anyone?). The lettered functionaries would administer the Chinese Empire for centuries to come, creating the world’s first sophisticated bureaucracy.
Braudel’s impressive insights on Chinese religion also show flashes of humour, where he describes Confucian practitioners as possessing a “rather lordly detachment” due to their attempt to explain the world by respecting tradition while also rejecting popular primitive beliefs. Anyone who has encountered traditional Chinese academics would affectionately recognise these manifestations.
Of Japan, Braudel characterises the civilisation, despite its periodic isolationist tendencies, as open to and thoroughly successful at incorporating foreign ideals. For centuries, culture, artisanal products, and religion emanated from East Asia’s cultural locus: China. Korea was often the bridge through which the foreign reached Japan, refracting ideas and products which were then further modified until they acquired a unique Japanese character. In a condensed periodisation, Braudel traces the Empire of the Sun’s progression through three broad epochs: basking in the Tang Dynasty’s eighth to tenth century glory, a 700 year Shogunate where rules were enforced with tempered steel, followed by modern industrialisation as the Japanese war machine was primed.
The remainder of the book traces how a European civilisation grew, the American empire and “the other new world” of Latin America, the Anglo-sphere, and “the other Europe” (Russia and the USSR). Braudel’s analysis here remains as superb as the previous chapters.
Poetic, adventurous, and enlightening.
A resolute thanks to translator Richard Mayne. Not only for making this great book accessible to non-French speakers, but whose preface is a valuable addition. Mayne’s work is one of the few translator’s introductions that adds depth to the scholarship. Through extracted journal entries and scattered lecture notes, he adeptly fortifies the author’s poetic expression while also contextualising Braudel’s intellectual development. The truncated biography primes the reader for Braudel’s lofty though sensitive expression that permeates his historical narrative.
Where others are content with plodding, semantic introductions designed to bore all but the most enthusiastic consumer, Braudel gallops through three centuries on a Europe-wide philological tour. He borrows freely from multiple social sciences to weave his macro historical narrative. If the disciplinary cross-pollination and intellect weren’t enough, they are complimented by beautiful syntax.
Widely recognised as the torchbearer for Bloch and Febvre’s longue durée, Braudel advocates the Annales school’s layered interpretation of the past. He forges together long-range structural insights with the impacts of the near past, unearthing the sometimes subtle tectonic shifts that affect contemporary events. “History”, Braudel writes, is the “recent and the more or less distant past… combin[ing] in the amalgam of the present.”
A society’s “collective mentality” is one of these deeper forces that shape its reactions to events of the day. Echoes from epochs past can ring forth to influence contemporary decisions, with religious beliefs being the strongest manifestation capable of disproportionately moulding a civilisation’s behaviour. We hear from Braudel that “far more than the accidents or the historical and social circumstances of a period, it [psychology or aggregate beliefs] derives from the distant past, from ancient beliefs, fears and anxieties which are almost unconscious.” While the scholar certainly overplays his hand by using negative proof (I possess a categorical aversion to the word “unconscious” to explain other’s actions), his argument that distant forces can shape current actions is nonetheless compelling.
Continuing his layered historiography, Braudel cautions against overemphasising proximate occurrences when searching for explanatory significance or causation. Passions still burn bright when the memory is fresh. While impassioned contemporary cases may offer persuasive evidence, they can also obscure waters which flow from deeper currents. Structures that shape actions only fully reveal themselves when the unit of measurement is shifted from decades to centuries.
Braudel’s civilisations are categorised into seven groups: the Near East (Islam and the Muslim world), Africa, the Far East (India, China, the “maritime Far East” (Indo-China, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Korea), Europe, America (Latin and the United States), the English speaking world (Canada, Australia, and Britain), and the “other Europe” (Russia and the USSR). Each civilisation is explored through evocative imagery conjuring natural expanses, rural towns and thriving metropoles, sacred sites and political centres; all linked by the flows of commerce and people. Braudel lucidly floats between demography, economics, and geography as he explores the world of the past.
In the Muslim world Braudel interrogates the Arab conquests over Syria (634), Egypt (639), and Persia (642). These three ancient civilisations on the Roman and Byzantine periphery stood defiant to each respective empires’ orbit. They succumbed, Braudel believes, due to a deep, ancient religious and moral affinity between their cultures and Islam. Symbiotic values catalysed an eventual welcome response to Islamic civilisation’s invitation.
Part of this philosophical fusion was between Reason and Revelation: Aristotle and the Koran. The uneasy intellectual bedfellows produced classical Islamic philosophers who were excellent dialecticians. Along with philosophical skill, most famously imparted through Averroes and Avicenna, Braudel traces the Islamic world’s development of medicine, astronomy, and chemistry.
In Braudel’s African civilisation, he leans heavily on geography and demography to explore the continent. He shows how the four major ethic groups (Pygmy, Khoekhoe, Sudanese, and Bantu) divided the landscape from the Sahara in the north, through the dense Congolese forests, to the Kalahari bushland in the south. Seventh century Muslim expansion brought northeast Africa into contact with Arabia and the Indian subcontinent, leading to the establishment of larger commercial centres and long-distance trade. Braudel then studies European colonialist’s arrival, and the imprint (both positive and negative) respective empire’s left on the landscape.
The Far East is fused together with China, India, the Phillipines, Japan and Korea. Braudel presciently divides then unites China into its ancient (“the China of the past”) and nearer past (“China of yesterday and today”) to understand the civilisation. On “China of yesterday and today” Braudel is on shaky ground. While I agree we need to celebrate successes along with learning from mistakes, his account of 1950-60s PRC history is thoroughly dated scholarship.
Braudel’s Chinese imperial history is exceptional. Religion is examined in depth, including addressing the ongoing theoretical debate about Confucianism as a religion, system of social ethics, or form of statecraft. The insightful scholar observes from the outset how the “Big Three” (Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism) were in fact grafted on to kaleidoscopic, localised folk religions and practices of ancestor worship. Local gods were subsumed when individual manors became subject to monarchic authority, but were never entirely extinguished.
Confucianism gained traction amid political disunity. Partially as a reaction against ancient religious beliefs, intellectuals sought rationalist precepts. The eventual manifestation, neo-Confucianism, was an enlightened Song Dynasty synthesis incorporating the metaphysical elements lacking from its previous incarnation. Yet Confucianism continued to draw from older peasant folk traditions. The notion of yin and yang is one example: diametric forces whose incessant interplay provides “the source of all energy in the universe.”
Of arguably equal importance were the ways Confucian learning informed governance. Confucius’ teachings were applied to the Chinese Empire’s cardinal political objectives: unity and stability. Scholar officials acquired their education through studying the Five Classics as handed down by the venerable sage and built upon by his long trail of students. To obtain office, candidates were tested through gruelling eight-legged essays (gaokao, anyone?). The lettered functionaries would administer the Chinese Empire for centuries to come, creating the world’s first sophisticated bureaucracy.
Braudel’s impressive insights on Chinese religion also show flashes of humour, where he describes Confucian practitioners as possessing a “rather lordly detachment” due to their attempt to explain the world by respecting tradition while also rejecting popular primitive beliefs. Anyone who has encountered traditional Chinese academics would affectionately recognise these manifestations.
Of Japan, Braudel characterises the civilisation, despite its periodic isolationist tendencies, as open to and thoroughly successful at incorporating foreign ideals. For centuries, culture, artisanal products, and religion emanated from East Asia’s cultural locus: China. Korea was often the bridge through which the foreign reached Japan, refracting ideas and products which were then further modified until they acquired a unique Japanese character. In a condensed periodisation, Braudel traces the Empire of the Sun’s progression through three broad epochs: basking in the Tang Dynasty’s eighth to tenth century glory, a 700 year Shogunate where rules were enforced with tempered steel, followed by modern industrialisation as the Japanese war machine was primed.
The remainder of the book traces how a European civilisation grew, the American empire and “the other new world” of Latin America, the Anglo-sphere, and “the other Europe” (Russia and the USSR). Braudel’s analysis here remains as superb as the previous chapters.
Poetic, adventurous, and enlightening.
October 31, 2021
Sometimes, a work of history can hold the dual identity of being both a scholarly work and a piece of literature. Edward Gibbon's 'Decline and the Fall of the Roman Empire' is one such example. This is not to dismiss the work, but rather to acknowledge that a work has become less useful over time as new scholarship causes it to become outdated. This can be said for Fernand Braudel's 'A History of Civilizations'.
Intended as a guide for the elementary school curriculum in 1960s France, 'A History of Civilizations' is a broad overview of what Braudel considers the unique civilizations in the world - starting with the geography, religion, and cultural aspects of each group before entering the more formal histories, and then wrapping up by giving Braudel's views of the current and future problems he sees each civilization encountering. The book's first sections are the Islamic and African ones, and ending with the American and Russian ones. This is intentional on Braudel's part, and a rather welcome one, as several of these particular areas (even writing this in 2021) are vastly overlooked. It is also refreshing to see someone from the non Anglo-American world write about U.S. history, specifically, as it avoids the all too common tropes of either being boringly antagonistic or nauseatingly mythologizing.
It is at some of these points, however, in which the work's age starts to show. The world of Braudel's 1960s (bits were updated in this edition during the 1980s) is vastly different than today's of the 2020's. Just as the end of the second world war was a pivotal moment in global history and consciousness, so too was the combined events of the end of the Cold War and September 11, 2001. At the time of the book's initial publication, Braudel's France, along with the other west European countries, were coming to grips with decolonization and the effects it had on both their own views as well as that of their former subjects. This disparity comes into sharp focus in the book's first aforementioned section on Islamic civilization - and for me is the section I would most like to have seen Braudel's take on it now (even being dead for over 30 years). The book's time is before the U.S.'s intervention in Vietnam, before the full formation of the EU, and before both India and China's acquiring of nuclear weapons, all of which are just other examples of the text fading into the realm of literature.
Perhaps then, this text can rather be used as a introduction and guide into Braudel's (and the larger Annales School's) historiography. In particular, the insistence on understanding the other social sciences - economics, anthropology, geography, and sociology (to name a few) - as a way of gaining a broader understanding of history that goes beyond the "dates and names" so many are still taught to this day is a very needed and very welcome point of view.
Intended as a guide for the elementary school curriculum in 1960s France, 'A History of Civilizations' is a broad overview of what Braudel considers the unique civilizations in the world - starting with the geography, religion, and cultural aspects of each group before entering the more formal histories, and then wrapping up by giving Braudel's views of the current and future problems he sees each civilization encountering. The book's first sections are the Islamic and African ones, and ending with the American and Russian ones. This is intentional on Braudel's part, and a rather welcome one, as several of these particular areas (even writing this in 2021) are vastly overlooked. It is also refreshing to see someone from the non Anglo-American world write about U.S. history, specifically, as it avoids the all too common tropes of either being boringly antagonistic or nauseatingly mythologizing.
It is at some of these points, however, in which the work's age starts to show. The world of Braudel's 1960s (bits were updated in this edition during the 1980s) is vastly different than today's of the 2020's. Just as the end of the second world war was a pivotal moment in global history and consciousness, so too was the combined events of the end of the Cold War and September 11, 2001. At the time of the book's initial publication, Braudel's France, along with the other west European countries, were coming to grips with decolonization and the effects it had on both their own views as well as that of their former subjects. This disparity comes into sharp focus in the book's first aforementioned section on Islamic civilization - and for me is the section I would most like to have seen Braudel's take on it now (even being dead for over 30 years). The book's time is before the U.S.'s intervention in Vietnam, before the full formation of the EU, and before both India and China's acquiring of nuclear weapons, all of which are just other examples of the text fading into the realm of literature.
Perhaps then, this text can rather be used as a introduction and guide into Braudel's (and the larger Annales School's) historiography. In particular, the insistence on understanding the other social sciences - economics, anthropology, geography, and sociology (to name a few) - as a way of gaining a broader understanding of history that goes beyond the "dates and names" so many are still taught to this day is a very needed and very welcome point of view.
June 20, 2016
Braudel was a French historian who wanted to talk about history from several points of view rather than from the vantage of Big Men and their times. He was interested in 'civilization': economics, art, music, religion, political philosophy, geography. This book was written in 1963 and intended as a high school text, but it was never widely adopted. It is very Eurocentric, and that is both a strength and a weakness. It was refreshing for me to read a book about world history and civilization written from a European perspective. I majored in World History at an American university, and Braudel's vision is, if not unique (think of Daniel Boorstin, for example) then certainly unusual. A great deal has happened on ALL the stages he illuminates since 1963, and this book is due for a massive update in my opinion. There are some unfortunate omissions, especially in science (as opposed to technology), but one can't have everything. It is worth reading both for its novelty and for its European point of view.
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August 22, 2019Fransız Tarih Profesörü Fernand Braudel'in bir ciltlik "Uygarlıkların Grameri", Fransız liselerinde tarih dersleri için kaynak eser olarak hazırladığı kitabı. Braudel, "Uygarlıkların Grameri"nde, "dünya tarihi"ni özetliyor, bir "uygarlıklar tarihi" olarak tanımladığı "dünya tarihi"nin farklı coğrafyalardaki gelişimini anlatıyor ve sonunda bir "yeni bir uygarlık felsefesi"ni tarihyazımı açısından kavramlaştırıyor. Braudel, insanlığın binlerce yıldır bir "uygarlaşma çabası" içinde yaşadığını yazıyor, farklı "uygarlıklar" yaratmak, insanlığın bir becerisidir, farklı coğrafyalarda farklı "uygarlıklar"ın oluşumu, insanî bir yeteneği belli ediyor. Braudel, "Uygarlıkların Grameri"nde, Marxist bir metodolojiyi ve tarih anlayışını kullanmış, bu seçimini de açıkça yazıyor, bunun bir nedeni olarak, Marxizm'in (Marx'ın ve Engels'in tarihyazımı metodolojilerinin) "uygarlık tarihi" ile ilgili neredeyse "mükemmel" bir kavramlaştırmaya varmış olmasını gösteriyor. Braudel, insanlığın "yeni uygarlıklar" yaratmaya da yetenekli ve hazırlıklı olduğunu "Uygarlıkların Grameri"nde yazıyor.
May 14, 2014
This book is an overview of the history of the currently existing civilizations(in 1962 when it was written)
I.e it is a broad view that looks at large strokes of history. If you're looking for detail you won't find it here. He looks at the macro patterns of these civilizations, and this is where the interesting insights come in that make the book worth a read. If you keep in mind this was written in 1962 you would enjoy this book. He does make some predictions that in retrospect seem silly, but everything else is quite interesting. I also liked how he covers literature of various civilizations and how literature is an useful tool to learn about the prevailing mindsets of an era and location.
All in all, I recommend this book if you're interested in history.
I.e it is a broad view that looks at large strokes of history. If you're looking for detail you won't find it here. He looks at the macro patterns of these civilizations, and this is where the interesting insights come in that make the book worth a read. If you keep in mind this was written in 1962 you would enjoy this book. He does make some predictions that in retrospect seem silly, but everything else is quite interesting. I also liked how he covers literature of various civilizations and how literature is an useful tool to learn about the prevailing mindsets of an era and location.
All in all, I recommend this book if you're interested in history.
November 12, 2009
I decided that my history is really weak and I need to learn more about it. This book was a nice overview of civilizations starting with Muhammed and Islam and going all the way through the forming of the United States. Well-written but a little over my head in that a fair bit of historical knowledge was assumed. I could follow it fine, but there were a lot of references I missed. Thus my need to bone up on history : ) Have to admit, it was a little dry and hard to read at say, lunchtime when I just wanted to relax. But I guess history will often be a little dull compared to a good thriller.
December 7, 2020
I'm amazed by the author's brilliant intellect, clairvoyance, vast cultural and factual background, let alone his highly elegant writing style. So much so that I now regard Braudel as one of my favorite writers and surely one of the best historians. This 750-page book is a rich collection of illuminating narratives on the surviving world civilizations, covering a wide range of their aspects: religious, sociological, psychological and economic ones.
September 6, 2018
I would like to say I do admire Braudel's intellectual acumen, I really did enjoy the broad scope of the book and all of the civilizations that it covered. However, that being said, this book took me nine long months to read because I read parts of it, stopped reading it, and then came back to it again much later. It was honestly just extremely boring - and I very rarely say that about academic books such as this. The book literally put me to sleep.
My main problem with the book was that he had a very clear western-centric mindset and this rigidly showed with the disparity between his description of the countries in ''the west'', such as the U.S. and Europe and countries such as Africa and Latin America. The U.S. chapter, for instance, was called America ''par excellence''. He spends this chapter kissing the ass of the U nited States, repeatedly griping about how the U.S. was destined for greatness, only very lightly brushing of the atrocities committed and all of the backs they had to step on to get there. The Europe chapter was extremely detailed, he went on and on about the humanist movement and how Europe is a sort of cradle of civilization and culture.
The chapters about Africa and Latin America were markedly different. He wrote about ''Black Africa'' as dark and devoid of hope and ingenuity. It is also notably one of the shortest chapters in the book. The titles of his chapters for example are again indicative of his clear bias with chapter titles, such as ''Geography; the dark past'' and ''the awakening of Africa''. I am aware of geographic determinism, but I only believe it up to a certain point. Europeans were able to profit and build up their empires with the wealth of Africa before which they behind much of the rest of the World in terms of development. The Europeans used African waterways to transport products, he doesn't account for this at all. He also does not mention how Africa is kept in poverty by cause of global financial banking entities. While, of course, I can't expect him to cover everything. The Africa chapter was extremely short. There was no mention of any of the seminal African empires in history: nothing about Mansa Musa, nothing about the ancient city of Kamet, nothing about the Benin Empire - whose capital city dwarfed much of what Europe had in terms of a developed city, nothing about the Mali Kush empire, nothing about anything good that ever came about of Africa, only that concerning the poverty and destitution - a direct consequence of colonialism and imperialist exploitation. The two main opinions that I got from this chapter were that 1) Africa was not fit to govern itself 2) European was the light that brought ''dark Africa'' to civilization 3) Africa is poor because of an innate quality of Africa itself. Africa is continually described with metaphors of ''darkness'' and ''hopelessness''.
Latin America was described in much of the same terms. His view of Latin America was almost as if Latin America was lazy, and like Africa, was not fit to govern itself. Many of the colonialist/neocolonialist aspects were either brushed over or completely disregarded altogether. There is again also the fact of the rhetoric of his chapter title ''the other America''. Latin America is repeatedly treated as an ''other'' to the West and definitely inferior to the United States/Canada. Although he does not come outright and say it, and while I do doubt that he overtly thinkss these negative things about these countries, the bias stemming from his western upbringing and education blatantly bleeds through the text. The juxtaposition of the Latin America chapter and the U.S. chapter is also telling. America is spoken about as an oasis of reason and hope that emerged out of a savage jungle. One final point, I really expected the ''English Speaking Universe'' chapter to be much better. I thought that he would speak about the origin and implications of the modern day English speaking hegemony over the rest of the World, but he only brushed over the United States and Australia - but it had nothing to do with his chapter titles besides the fact that they are English speaking countries. Needless to say, I was really disappointed.
The obvious fact that this book, being first published in 1963, is extremely outdated. At the end of the book he speaks about the Soviet Union as a still-existing entity and makes many predictions that are just flat out wrong.
I did learn things from this book though, for instance, about the depreciation of the value of gold and silver because they flooded the market in Spain. Also, because of the dearth of the natural rivers in the area, the profits from the new World funneled out through Spain into the rest of Europe. I also learned about the intentional self-modernization of China, who realized this was only way to combat the European colonizers. I also found the descriptions of Islamic science in the Middle East, as well as the discussion of the compatability of democracy and islam.
Anyway, I'm really glad to be done with this book. I wouldn't exactly recommend it, but I would encourage you to make your own decisions about it. Who knows, you might enjoy it.
My main problem with the book was that he had a very clear western-centric mindset and this rigidly showed with the disparity between his description of the countries in ''the west'', such as the U.S. and Europe and countries such as Africa and Latin America. The U.S. chapter, for instance, was called America ''par excellence''. He spends this chapter kissing the ass of the U nited States, repeatedly griping about how the U.S. was destined for greatness, only very lightly brushing of the atrocities committed and all of the backs they had to step on to get there. The Europe chapter was extremely detailed, he went on and on about the humanist movement and how Europe is a sort of cradle of civilization and culture.
The chapters about Africa and Latin America were markedly different. He wrote about ''Black Africa'' as dark and devoid of hope and ingenuity. It is also notably one of the shortest chapters in the book. The titles of his chapters for example are again indicative of his clear bias with chapter titles, such as ''Geography; the dark past'' and ''the awakening of Africa''. I am aware of geographic determinism, but I only believe it up to a certain point. Europeans were able to profit and build up their empires with the wealth of Africa before which they behind much of the rest of the World in terms of development. The Europeans used African waterways to transport products, he doesn't account for this at all. He also does not mention how Africa is kept in poverty by cause of global financial banking entities. While, of course, I can't expect him to cover everything. The Africa chapter was extremely short. There was no mention of any of the seminal African empires in history: nothing about Mansa Musa, nothing about the ancient city of Kamet, nothing about the Benin Empire - whose capital city dwarfed much of what Europe had in terms of a developed city, nothing about the Mali Kush empire, nothing about anything good that ever came about of Africa, only that concerning the poverty and destitution - a direct consequence of colonialism and imperialist exploitation. The two main opinions that I got from this chapter were that 1) Africa was not fit to govern itself 2) European was the light that brought ''dark Africa'' to civilization 3) Africa is poor because of an innate quality of Africa itself. Africa is continually described with metaphors of ''darkness'' and ''hopelessness''.
Latin America was described in much of the same terms. His view of Latin America was almost as if Latin America was lazy, and like Africa, was not fit to govern itself. Many of the colonialist/neocolonialist aspects were either brushed over or completely disregarded altogether. There is again also the fact of the rhetoric of his chapter title ''the other America''. Latin America is repeatedly treated as an ''other'' to the West and definitely inferior to the United States/Canada. Although he does not come outright and say it, and while I do doubt that he overtly thinkss these negative things about these countries, the bias stemming from his western upbringing and education blatantly bleeds through the text. The juxtaposition of the Latin America chapter and the U.S. chapter is also telling. America is spoken about as an oasis of reason and hope that emerged out of a savage jungle. One final point, I really expected the ''English Speaking Universe'' chapter to be much better. I thought that he would speak about the origin and implications of the modern day English speaking hegemony over the rest of the World, but he only brushed over the United States and Australia - but it had nothing to do with his chapter titles besides the fact that they are English speaking countries. Needless to say, I was really disappointed.
The obvious fact that this book, being first published in 1963, is extremely outdated. At the end of the book he speaks about the Soviet Union as a still-existing entity and makes many predictions that are just flat out wrong.
I did learn things from this book though, for instance, about the depreciation of the value of gold and silver because they flooded the market in Spain. Also, because of the dearth of the natural rivers in the area, the profits from the new World funneled out through Spain into the rest of Europe. I also learned about the intentional self-modernization of China, who realized this was only way to combat the European colonizers. I also found the descriptions of Islamic science in the Middle East, as well as the discussion of the compatability of democracy and islam.
Anyway, I'm really glad to be done with this book. I wouldn't exactly recommend it, but I would encourage you to make your own decisions about it. Who knows, you might enjoy it.
January 23, 2023
I'm fascinated with historiography and so I have been picking away at reading the great historians and learning how they tell history. Fernand Braudel is certainly one of the greats. He led the second generation of the Annales school of history in France from the 1960s until his death in 1985. The Annales school focused on the idea of "longue duree" or a long term view of history. They were not interested in chronologizing events and recording the political maneuverings and successions of elites, instead they focused on structures. Braudel is cited as a main inspiration for world systems theory. It is a multi-faceted approach, taking many different viewpoints. Braudel covers the history of the geography of the land (which was new to me), social history (demographics, migration, class), economic history, cultural history (usually focusing on one medium such as literature or philosophy), and political history more broadly. The range is staggering. It is really impressive to read because Braudel presents such a depth of knowledge on all of these topics. On Wikipedia it says Braudel's technique was "widely admired, but most historians did not try to replicate it." You quickly see why that it is, it would take a lifetime of learning to present history in this way.
A History of Civilizations was one of the last books that Braudel wrote. It was his attempt to write a general history of the world that could be read by high school and undergraduate students to give them a bedrock of knowledge before they went out into the world. I felt pretty dumb reading that because it took me over a month to read the book. The French Ministry of Education and teacher's council seemed to agree with me though as they rejected the book for being too difficult for students. It really is not that difficult, my problem was staying focused because Braudel moves on to different civilizations fairly quickly.
There are endless insights I gleaned from Civilizations that I will not recount here. I wrote almost 30 pages of notes, every page had something interesting. The standout chapters for me were on Islam, China and Europe. His chapter on Africa was weak and on India his grasp on the material felt a little shakier than the rest. Braudel is a beautiful writer, when he is writing on industrialization or the Long century of Humiliation or the Renaissance there is such a passion in the writing it is infectious.
He is very matter of fact and has that French arrogance but I found it charming. He looks at all civilizations very objectively and isn't afraid to judge them with a strict rubric. Braudel is looking at history in the long term so he can come off as callous and there are certain periods you can tell he has mixed feelings on, like French colonization which he doesn't condemn. Overall A History of Civilizations is really impressive and I'm glad I read it. Although it can feel like a textbook at times, the benefit is worth the work.
A History of Civilizations was one of the last books that Braudel wrote. It was his attempt to write a general history of the world that could be read by high school and undergraduate students to give them a bedrock of knowledge before they went out into the world. I felt pretty dumb reading that because it took me over a month to read the book. The French Ministry of Education and teacher's council seemed to agree with me though as they rejected the book for being too difficult for students. It really is not that difficult, my problem was staying focused because Braudel moves on to different civilizations fairly quickly.
There are endless insights I gleaned from Civilizations that I will not recount here. I wrote almost 30 pages of notes, every page had something interesting. The standout chapters for me were on Islam, China and Europe. His chapter on Africa was weak and on India his grasp on the material felt a little shakier than the rest. Braudel is a beautiful writer, when he is writing on industrialization or the Long century of Humiliation or the Renaissance there is such a passion in the writing it is infectious.
He is very matter of fact and has that French arrogance but I found it charming. He looks at all civilizations very objectively and isn't afraid to judge them with a strict rubric. Braudel is looking at history in the long term so he can come off as callous and there are certain periods you can tell he has mixed feelings on, like French colonization which he doesn't condemn. Overall A History of Civilizations is really impressive and I'm glad I read it. Although it can feel like a textbook at times, the benefit is worth the work.
May 29, 2023
I am slowly working my way through all of the works of Mr. Braudel, a historian from the post-war period who radically re-shaped the way we think about and research history. Mr. Braudel moved from the great men, great events storytelling to an analysis of changes in a society over long periods of time - combining events and people, with research into the changes in economics, sociology and other social sciences. His great three-volume work on Civilization and Capitalism asks why capitalism arose in Western Europe (an in particular England and the Netherlands) between the 16th and 18th Centuries. The book is a masterpiece.
This book was written to teach the "new history" to French seniors in high school. I thought the book would be an easier-to-read distillation of Mr. Braudel's thoughts on the nature of history. Instead, this book reads like you are viewing a timeline written on a sheet of notebook paper from a satellite in geosynchronous orbit. The level of generalization required turns this book from history into stereotyping. The beauty of the prose and complexity of the world is completely missing in this work. The sense of manifest destiny is overwhelming. All societies are judged against their achievement of Western-style capitalism and if a society takes a different path of development, Mr. Braudel implies that the capitalist leap will eventually come. Intellectual history is neglected if mentioned at all. Curious editorial choices are made. World War II barely rates a paragraph.
I don't know if this book was ever used as textbook in French secondary schools. I guess one asset is that the book assumes everyone is a globalist, not a nationalist. Unfortunately, that globalism appears to be expressed as the White-Man's Burden of uplifting the backwards cultures of the world and bringing them the blessings of later-20th Century financial capitalism.
This book was written to teach the "new history" to French seniors in high school. I thought the book would be an easier-to-read distillation of Mr. Braudel's thoughts on the nature of history. Instead, this book reads like you are viewing a timeline written on a sheet of notebook paper from a satellite in geosynchronous orbit. The level of generalization required turns this book from history into stereotyping. The beauty of the prose and complexity of the world is completely missing in this work. The sense of manifest destiny is overwhelming. All societies are judged against their achievement of Western-style capitalism and if a society takes a different path of development, Mr. Braudel implies that the capitalist leap will eventually come. Intellectual history is neglected if mentioned at all. Curious editorial choices are made. World War II barely rates a paragraph.
I don't know if this book was ever used as textbook in French secondary schools. I guess one asset is that the book assumes everyone is a globalist, not a nationalist. Unfortunately, that globalism appears to be expressed as the White-Man's Burden of uplifting the backwards cultures of the world and bringing them the blessings of later-20th Century financial capitalism.
April 7, 2021
"Граматика на цивилизациите" е имала две основни предназначения. Едното от тях е била да разчупи неефективното традиционно разглеждане на историята във Франция, целейки се да въвлече наблюдения и изводи от другите науки (геология, икономика, социология); другото предназначение на книгата е била младата публика. Предимството на подхода на Фернан Бродел е стремежът към общ некритичен поглед върху историята, поглед, който е уст��емен към проследяването на живата обществена тъкан, и в известен смисъл освобождаването от предразсъдъците към чуждото. За тази книга не е свойствено онова типично за много други исторически книги сухо изреждане на множество дати, събития и имена.
От друга страна, голям недостатък е разхвърляността в изложенията и странната на моменти дребнавост в детайлите. Последното обстоятелство според мен се дължи на силното наблягане върху икономическите фактори: та например, има ли чак такова значение количеството износ на зърнени храни от Индия, или нещо друго от този сорт. Лично аз недоумявам с какво допринасят към разбирането такива подробности, особено когато става дума за едно далечно минало. Подредбата на събитията е нехронологична; Бродел по-скоро прави опит да опише 'духа' на цивилизациите, както той ги разбира, отколкото да проследява какво се е случило и поради какви причини. Характерно за книгата е, че е изпълнена с генерализации, които понякога са интересни, но и често неточни.
И последна забележка. Бродел отделя доста време да разглежда събития от 20 век, с особеността, че е от перспективата на неговото съвремие (1962-а). Не съм убеден, че това би представлявало чак такъв интерес за повечето читатели.
От друга страна, голям недостатък е разхвърляността в изложенията и странната на моменти дребнавост в детайлите. Последното обстоятелство според мен се дължи на силното наблягане върху икономическите фактори: та например, има ли чак такова значение количеството износ на зърнени храни от Индия, или нещо друго от този сорт. Лично аз недоумявам с какво допринасят към разбирането такива подробности, особено когато става дума за едно далечно минало. Подредбата на събитията е нехронологична; Бродел по-скоро прави опит да опише 'духа' на цивилизациите, както той ги разбира, отколкото да проследява какво се е случило и поради какви причини. Характерно за книгата е, че е изпълнена с генерализации, които понякога са интересни, но и често неточни.
И последна забележка. Бродел отделя доста време да разглежда събития от 20 век, с особеността, че е от перспективата на неговото съвремие (1962-а). Не съм убеден, че това би представлявало чак такъв интерес за повечето читатели.
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