ilahiyat tetkikleri dergisi
journal of ilahiyat researches
ISSN: 2458-7508 e-ISSN: 2602-3946
ilted, Haziran / June 2019/1, 51: 395-417
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions:
Herodotus Example
Dinler Tarihinin Antik Kökenleri: Herodotos Örneği
Şevket ÖZCAN
Dr. Öğr. Üyesi, Kırıkkale Üniversitesi, İslami İlimler Fakültesi,
Dinler Tarihi Anabilim Dalı
Dr. Lecturer, Kırıkkale University, Faculty of Islamic Sciences,
Department of History of Religions, Kırıkkale / Turkey
ozcan.sevket06@gmail.com
ORCID ID: 0000-0002-9019-6507
Makale Bilgisi | Article Information
Makale Türü / Article Type: Araştırma Makalesi / Research Article
Geliş Tarihi / Date Received: 07 Ocak / Jenuary 2019
Kabul Tarihi / Date Accepted: 08 Mart / March 2019
Yayın Tarihi / Date Published: 30 Haziran / June 2019
Yayın Sezonu / Pub Date Season: Haziran / June
DOI: 10.29288/ilted.509741
Atıf / Citation: Özcan, Şevket. “Ancient Origins of History of Religions: Herodotus
Example / Dinler Tarihinin Antik Kökenleri: Herodotos Örneği”.
ilted: ilahiyat tetkikleri dergisi / journal of ilahiyat researches 51 (Haziran / June
2019/1): 395-417. doi: 10.29288/ilted.509741
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Bütün hakları saklıdır. / All right reserved.
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ilted 51 (Haziran/June 2019/1) | Dr. Öğr. Üyesi Şevket ÖZCAN
Abstract
Although it is stated that the history of religions started to be formed as a discipline in the 19th
century, when Max Müller lived, it is stated by religious scholars that researching other religious
traditions is dates back to earlier times. In this respect, it is stated that Herodotus, who is described as
the father of history because of his work titled History, can be considered as the father of the history of
religions because he has a comparative study of the religions of foreigners and includes religious
phenomena in research on the societies he studied. Therefore, in this study, within the framework of
the approach which bases the research on beliefs of others on Herodotus in the literature of History of
Religions, answers are sought for the questions such as what the basic features are that made
Herodotus gain this position, whether it is possible to accept Herodotus as a historian of religions and
whether it is possible to accept his work as a work history of religions. Therefore, to find answers to
these and similar questions by putting forth the parameters of Herodotus’s method, the importance
and value of the way he dealt with the religious phenomena, which he used as a research subject, are
examined in terms of the History of Religions.
Keywords: History of Religions, Herodotus, God, Sacred Person, Sacred Place, Sacred Time,
Sacrifice.
Öz
Genel olarak Dinler Tarihinin, Max Müller’in yaşadığı XIX. Yüzyılda bir disiplin olarak teşekkül
etmeye başladığı ifade edilse de diğer dini gelenekleri araştırma konusu yapmanın daha eski tarihlere
dayandığı, din bilimcileri tarafından dillendirmektedir. Bu doğrultuda “Tarih” adlı eseri nedeniyle
tarihin babası olarak nitelendirilen Herodotos’un, yabancıların dinlerini karşılaştırmalı şekilde ele
alması ve incelediği toplumlardaki dini fenomenleri de araştırmasına dâhil etmesi nedeniyle Dinler
Tarihinin babası olarak kabul edilebileceği belirtilmektedir. Bu itibarla bu çalışmada, Dinler Tarihi
literatüründe başkalarının inançlarını araştırmayı Herodotos’a kadar dayandıran yaklaşım
çerçevesinde Herodotos’a bu payeyi kazandıran temel özelliklerin neler olduğuna, Herodotos’u dinler
tarihçisi ve eserini Dinler Tarihi çalışması olarak kabul etmenin mümkün olup olmadığına dair
soruların cevabı aranmaktadır. Dolayısıyla bu ve benzeri sorulara cevap bulmak amacıyla
Herodotos’un metodunun parametreleri ortaya konularak, araştırma konusu ettiği dini fenomenleri
ele alış biçiminin Dinler Tarihi açısından önemi ve değeri irdelenmektedir.
Anahtar Kelimeler: Dinler Tarihi, Herodotos, Tanrı, Kutsal Kişi, Kutsal Mekân, Kutsal Zaman,
Kurban.
INTRODUCTION
History of Religions, focusing on the manifestations of religions and religious
phenomena, separating itself from theological disciplines by examining them
comparatively in the axis of neutrality from past to present, is a discipline that
studies both local and universal religions and phenomena in these religions with
their various dimensions. Although, in general, it is expressed that this field was
formed as a discipline in late nineteenth century, when German descent Oxford
professor Fredrich Max Müller lived, it is known and expressed by religious
scholars that making the similarities and differences between religious traditions
of those who are considered other and religions or religious phenomena a
research subject dates back to earlier times. For instance, Eric J. Sharpe (19302000) an English Historian of Religion, states in his work called Comparative
Religion (1975), in which he discusses the development of History of Religions,
that this discipline did not emerge in the mentioned time, however this
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
397
manifestation could be described as the germination of the sown and watered
seeds in the previous periods. In this respect Sharpe sets three conditions in
order for a study to gain the quality of History of Religions to have three basic
properties. These are; an impulse to compare religions (interest), accessible
materials about others’ religion (first or second hand information) and an
appropriate method that would help understand the obtained material as a
whole. Within this context, Sharpe, who thinks the methods used in the ancient
world are not so distinct as it is thought compared to the ones used in the
modern world, states that Herodotus is the first to put forward one of the basic
approaches of History of Religions by his observation of data belonging to his
own culture and that of the religions of foreigner cultures in his work named
“Histories”.1 This approach is closely connected with History of Religions being
not only depicting religious traditions, but also being a comparative discipline
that gives place to comparisons with other religions.2 This view that falls within
the context of the approach, which dates studying the religions of others back to
Herodotus in the literature of History of Religions, brings these questions to
mind: What are the main characteristics that helped Herodotus gain this
mentioned position? Is it possible to accept Herodotus as a historian of religions
and his work as a work of history of religions? In this study, to find answers to
these and similar questions by touching the parameters Herodotus’s method, the
importance and value of the way he dealt with the religious phenomena, which
he used as a research subject, will be examined in terms of History of Religions.
1.
HERODOTUS AND HIS HISTORICAL METHOD
According to the limited information about his life, Greek historian
Herodotus was born in a rich and well-informed family in approximately 484
B.C. in Anatolia, in Halicarnassus (Bodrum) which is in Caria region that was
under the reign of the Persian at that time. He lived in Athens for some of his life
and in various cities of South Italy for some other part of his life and died in
approximately 325 B.C. in Thurium. The time he lived in coincides with a
process in which the war between Greeks and the Persian was influential.3
Herodotus’s characteristic making him significant for History, in general, and for
History of Religions, in particular, is his work called “Histories”, which caused
Marcus Tullius Cicero (106 B.C.-43 B.C), who played an important role in the
development of Greek philosophy, to describe Herodotus as the “Father of
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1
2
3
Eric J. Sharpe, Dinler Tarihi: Tarihsel Bir Anlatı, trans. Fuat Aydın (Sakarya: Sakarya University Kültür Pub.,
2013), 18-21.
Mahmut Aydın, Ana Hatlarıyla Dinler Tarihi: Tarih, İnanç ve İbadet (İstanbul: Ensar Pub., 2015), 68-69.
See Thomas Harrison, “Herodotus 484-425”, Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece, ed. Nigel Wilson (New York,
London: Routledge, 2006), 350-351; Robin Sowerby, The Greeks: An Introduction to Their Culture (New
York, London: Routledge, 2015), 34-39; Muzaffer Demir, “Eski Tarih Yazıcılığında Herodotos’un Yeri ve
Önemi”, Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi 20/2 (2005): 69-70.
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History”4. This work by Herodotus was written in Ionian dialect and was
compiled in nine books by the grammarians after him. The main theme of the
book is about the conflict between the Persian and Greeks, which has an
important effect in dominating the European history and which occurred
towards the end of 5th century B.C.5 Herodotus differs from his forerunners in
this work of his,6 which has both memory and educatory qualities, in terms of his
approaching the material he obtained in a scientific way, his writing ability, and
the way he organized the subjects. It also contributes to this that he does not
simplify research subjects into shallow political and moral analyses.7
The most important aspect of Herodotus’s historical method is about using
sources. Because, he had to make references to oral tradition, to epic poetry,
which is fueled by this tradition, to story-writing, whose reality is controversial,
and to tragedy plays while mentioning the background information about Greek
history and geography. However, after having comprehended the contradictions
of the sources he used and having been exiled, Herodotus had the opportunity to
know different cultures and, by respecting traditions and cultures special to
different cultures, adopted himself to the idea that these can be compared to
Greek culture in an entertaining and objective way. That is why he felt necessity
to give place to the geography, ethnography, cultures, religious traditions and
history of other cultures in his work. For this aim, he used an inclusive and
comparative method by means of8 including different elements such as his
personal observation, temple clerks, foreigner and native people, archives and
foreigners’ sources in his research. Herodotus,9 who acts with less suspicion
towards foreigner sources rather than Greek sources -probably because he could
not make a cross-examination- was never besotted with imposing his own truths
on his readers, but showed an approach in the way “I believe in this one, and you
can believe in that one, as well”, and by this provided an opportunity for the
readers to have different opinions and to come to conclusions that they believe to
be true.10 Therefore, when he went to places like Egypt and Babylon, he preferred
describing them as he himself observed or heard about by accepting them as they
are without saying “these people are not like us, and they must be like us” for the
nations there.11
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5
6
7
8
9
10
11
Cicero, The Republic and The Laws, trans. Niall Rudd (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), 98.
Demir, “Herodotos ve Yabancı Kültürler: Mısır Örneği”, Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi 27 (2012): 316.
Alan Lloyd, “Book II”, A Commentary on Herodotus Books I-IV, ed. Oswyn Murray- Alfonso Moreno (New
York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 232.
Donald Lateiner, The Historical Method of Herodotus (Toronto, London: University of Toronto Press,
1989), 8.
Demir, “Herodotos ve Yabancı Kültürler: Mısır Örneği”, 317-318.
Lateiner, The Historical Method of Herodotus, 91.
Demir, “Eski Tarih Yazıcılığında Herodotos’un Yeri ve Önemi”, 66.
İlber Ortaylı, Tarih Yazıcılık Üzerine (Ankara: Cedit Pub., 2011), 26.
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
399
In fact, Herodotus, being aware of the delusiveness of some of the stories he
told, leaves the conclusion up to the reader in using the oral tradition by saying
he only reported what was told him, made some distinctions by being skeptical
about some certain topic; sometimes made efforts to come up with his own
rational explanation with some evidence -though they are wrong- and denied
oral sources, which are obviously wrong, in a cynical way. All these things are
evaluated as the authenticity of his method and a method change in prehistoric
period history writing.12 Although Herodotus is directed criticism claiming the
stories he included in his book are delusive because of the method he used, he is
regarded as an important source by most of today’s historians.
Herodotus reviews his research subjects with a comparative approach
according to the circumstances, and his comparisons, which aim to reveal what
the origin of the religious phenomena is as well as other elements and in which
way they interact with various aspects of life are significantly of an ethnographic
content. Within this context, the well-known American historian of religion
Jonathan Z. Smith (1938-2009) specifies Herodotus as the Father of History of
Religions and evaluated his work among the ancient sources.13 According to
these information, Herodotus used a method that criticizes the mythologycenteredness of the history writing before him; that objects to showing other
cultures as barbarian without knowing them; that tells the research subjects with
reference to what he saw and heard as much as possible, and that serves to refer
to all aspects of the nations he examined.
2. RELIGIOUS PHENOMENA IN HERODOTUS
In Herodotus’s work, religion is discussed as an element which influences
human life in various aspects with an approach that is sometimes direct and
sometimes indirect. Because for Herodotus, religion has an important place both
via the sources of other cultures and in the events it mentions. While on the one
hand he gave information about great cultures such as the Persian and Greeks,
which he used as research subjects, and made large scaled descriptions on
religious traditions and practices; on the other hand, in some of his stories, he
also touched upon -thou the cultures and religious beliefs of Libyans and
Babylonians. Moreover, in his top stories, the divine and supernatural properties
related to the cause-effect relationship of events and foreknowing are frequently
a question of debate. In this way, religion and religious phenomena were used as
a key concept to understand events and happenings for Herodotus.14 Under this
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13
14
Demir, “Eski Tarih Yazıcılığında Herodotos’un Yeri ve Önemi”, 69.
Jonathan Z. Smith, Map is Not Territory: Studies in the History of Religions (Chicago, London: The
University of Chicago Press, 1993), 245; Demir, “Eski Tarih Yazıcılığında Herodotos’un Yeri ve Önemi”, 64.
John Gould, Myth, Ritual, Memory, and Exchange: Essays in Greek Literature and Culture (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2003), 359.
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title, the main characteristics of the emphasis and analyses related to religious
phenomena that are prominent in Herodotus will be tried to be presented.
2.1. God
Having examined ancient Greek and foreigner religions, the most basic
subject that Herodotus especially dwelt on and made comparisons about is the
god phenomena. This depends on the very fact that throughout history, beliefs in
(a) superior power/powers, which form(s) the basis of all religious beliefs, and
which generally appear(s) as believing in a power/powers that is/are
transcendental being or beings, are of the most basic characteristics of religions
and on the fact that this/these power(s) was/were generally accepted as god or
gods.15 This approach which starts with the opinions16 of Ionian philosophers,
who are considered the first appearance of History of Religions and who tried to
explain the world in the axis of an imperishable principle and who criticized the
nation’s religions, on God and which depends on philosophical knowledge took a
form that bases on historical knowledge thanks to Herodotus.17 In this respect, it
is important in terms of History of Religions that Herodotus examined Greek
and foreigners’ gods and compared them.
2.1.1. Names of Gods
Frequently addressing god and gods in his work, Herodotus stated that
Homer and Hesiod, who lived approximately four hundreds year before him, are
the first people to organize the family trees; to state the qualities, tasks and their
unique characteristics for the Greek people, after scrutinizing the origins of
knowledge about gods.18 Having gained a global citizen identity thanks to
journeys he made and various religious beliefs he observed Herodotus, moving
from the idea that being limited to the opinions of his forerunners is easy but
means taking the easy way out, resorted to comparisons and by this he
propounded various opinions related to the origins of Greek gods’ names.19 By
referring to the fact that although there was a general opinion for the presence of
gods in his time, there was much controversy about their names, Herodotus,20
dwelt on their names by making comparisons and contrasts between Greek and
Egyptian gods. According to this, he concluded that twelve names for the gods
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15
16
17
18
19
20
Şinasi Gündüz, “Dinler Tarihine Giriş”, Yaşayan Dünya Dinleri, ed. Ali Erbaş (Eskişehir: Anadolu
University Pub., 2013), 14-15.
Sharpe, Dinler Tarihi: Tarihsel Bir Anlatı, 19-20; For extended information about this philosopher’s
opinions See Ahmet Cevizci, Felsefe Tarihi Thales’ten Baudrillard’a (İstanbul: Say, 2012), 37-41.
Ömer Faruk Harman, “Bir Disiplin Olarak Dinler Tarihinin Ortaya Çıkışı (Doğu-Batı)”, Dinler Tarihi
Araştırmaları-VII, ed. Ali İsra Güngör et al. (Ankara: Turkey History of Religions Foundation Pub., 2010),
25-26.
Herodotus, Histories, trans. Müntekim Onay (İstanbul: Türkiye İş Bankası Kültür Pub., 2017), 2: 53. (it
means chapter II, paragraph 53).
John D. Mikalson, Herodotus and Religion in the Persian Wars (Chapel Hill, London: The University of
North Carolina, 2003), 136-137.
Lloyd, “Book II”, 233.
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
401
were used by Egyptians first and then he revealed that Greeks took these names
from them, and he concluded that it is also Egyptians who made altars,
monuments and temples for gods and who engraved animal figures on stones.21
Herodotus tried to ground the fact that the name Heracles, which is regard as
one of the twelve gods by Greeks, was taken by Greeks from Egyptians with
different rational motives such as Egyptians’ increasing the number of gods from
eight to twelve and their incorporating Heracles in them, in immemorial times.22
Herodotus remarks that people living in Mendes region in Egypt included Pan in
the eight gods that were before twelve gods, and as is in Greeks their symbolic
statues were made with a goat’s head and billygoat feet, and although he says that
Mendes means both Pan the god and billygoat, he had resort to saying “if you let
me, I should keep quiet at this point”23 about the reason of this symbol.24 In
another point, Herodotus tried to emphasize the incorrectness of Greeks’
considering Heracles, Dionysus and Pan as the youngest gods said that
Egyptians, who are quite developed about calendars and who recorded historical
events, had previously put the generations of the mentioned gods in a
chronological order. At this point, although he tried to adopt an objective
approach as if saying “one may accept whichever he considers true”, he did not
abstain from stating that Greeks took the mentioned god names from Egyptians
and organized a family tree by making their names live in this way.25
At this point, it must be taken naturally that Herodotus adopted an attitude
on the side of Egyptian resources. Because, Egyptians started to write down their
history long before Greeks. That’s why it is considered quite natural that like
Egyptian sources are source of inspiration for Greek writers, who produced
works about gods, the Greek religion was also affected by this same thing.26
Because, he was attentive to take European, African and Asian originated
different ancient sources as references as part of the subjects he dwelt on.27
Herodotus’s giving information about the fact that Egyptians took place among
the first ones in terms of cultural and ethnographical aspects shows that he,
generally, acted within the frame of this understanding. In this way, he had the
idea that the same god was called with various names in different societies, and
asserted that the Greek god Zeus is actually identical with the Egyptian god
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21
22
23
24
25
26
27
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 4.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 43.
It is stated that Herodotus tries to hide his lack of knowledge with such comments. Herodotos, Tarih, 119
(Translator’s 48th note).
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 46.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 145-146; For Herodotus’s comparative analyses between Greek and foreigner gods
See Thomas Harrison, Divinity and History: The Religion of Herodotus (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000),
208-222.
Demir, “Herodotos ve Yabancı Kültürler: Mısır Örneği”, 332.
Lloyd, “Book II”, 347.
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Amon, and Apollo, in real, is Horus himself28 and he emphasized that the
goddess Aphrodite takes places in Assyrians with the name Mylitta, in Arabs
with the name Alilat and in Persians with the name Mitra.29
Herodotus’s analyses about the names of gods brings to mind philologist Max
Müller’s opinions, which he presented as a result of the examinations he made on
Hindus’ holy book Vedas. According to this, in the beginning although god
informed people about his existence, human beings gave different names to god
because of linguistic illusions and it resulted in polytheism that some of the
adjectives defining god turned into names.30 In this respect, it is remarkable that
there are similarities, at least for their approach to the subjects they reviewed,
between Herodotus’s studying the origins of the names moving from the god
names and Müller’s attempt to present the origins of the idea of god in the
context of language -even though there are significant differences in terms of
sources and method.
2.1.2. Attributes for Gods
Herodotus mentions the divine vengeance and god’s influence to determine
human’s destiny in various events and stories he used as subject matters. Within
this frame, Herodotus believes, when he first discusses the matter of vengeance,
that some actions inevitably draw the vengeance of gods and vengeance practices
appear in different ways.31 In this context, it may be thought that he addresses to
an understanding/system in the way that “unfair actions are answered with fair
and appropriate answers” with examples he chose from different cultures32 such
as the Persian emperor Kserkes’s implication that because the messengers he sent
to Athenians were killed, Athenians met a variety of disasters;33 Ethiopian King
Sabakos’s stating that he dreamt a dream in which all of the Egyptian priests were
gathered and slaughtered and then describing this dream as a kind of deception
which may draw the rage of gods34 and his reporting that extreme vengeance
draws the anger of gods35. Hence, it is stated that Herodotus tries to form a rule
of an extensive and sensible moral understanding with various narrations.36
When it is discussed how the moral understanding based on divine vengeance
will work in the world and the belief of the believers in this, some provisions may
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29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 50; Mustafa Alıcı, Evrimci Politeizm Devrimci Monoteizm: Erken Kültürlerde Yüce
Varlık Fikrine Etnolojik ve Fenomenolojik Yaklaşımlar (İstanbul: Rağbet Pub., 2013), 23-24.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 131. For detailed information about names used for a god in different societies see
Harrison, Divinity and History, 110.
Baki Adam, “Din Hakkında Genel Bilgiler”, Dinler Tarihi, ed. Baki Adam (Ankara: Grafiker Pub., 2015), 5051.
Harrison, Divinity and History, 103.
Harrison, Divinity and History, 110.
Herodotus, Histories, 7: 133.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 139.
Herodotus, Histories, 4: 205.
Demir, “Eski Tarih Yazıcılığında Herodotos’un Yeri ve Önemi”, 72.
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
403
be inferred from his work on the appearance of vengeance. First of all is that
divine vengeance takes place through human element/actions. Such a vengeance
is set an example with a Persian merchant who lives off emasculating young boys
and selling them in bazaars and then he experiences the same thing made by one
of those whom he previously emasculated.37 Because the words of the person who
took revenge from the Persian merchant “Did you think this villainy you did will
get off the punishment of gods? However, now they have shown their justice, they
handed you over to me in order for you to pay the penalty for the great sin you
committed, and now you do not have the right to complain from the punishment I
will give you”38 summarize this understanding. In this way, the divine vengeances
in Herodotus’s narrations are expressed with a style in which they are made by
human beings rather than being miraculous and in which they are, rationally,
attributed to some reasons. Second thing is the transferring of divine vengeance
to new generations by inheritance. In his narrations Herodotus, by emphasizing
that vengeance of various characters flamed up throughout generations, stated
that gods have a hand in this.39 In this manner, he had the aim to keep the belief
of divine justice by adopting the inherited idea of crime.40 Third is to ensure the
belief in the certainty of divine vengeance by human’s suffering in different
ways.41 For this case, Herodotus gave the example that there was an earthquake in
Delos where there were no earthquakes until then, and stated that this trouble
was because of Persians and the men who were in conflict for the government of
sites.42 Hereby, he emphasized that divine vengeance was a credible moral
understanding according to the provisions he presented.43
Herodotus thinking that although the names of gods are different in different
cultures, they actually refer to the same gods, fictionalized a moral doctrine by
evaluating divine vengeance as the adjective of gods within the frame of his
comparative approach or he analyzed an existing but unnamed moral doctrine.
His approach which can be simply formulated as “The biter is bit” may at least be
evaluated -though its moral understanding is subjective and god-centered- under
the same category in terms of determining a universal moral essence, with
acceptance44 of the principle in the religions taken as subject matter in History of
Religions that “Do not do anything to anyone that you do not want to be done”
as the common moral rule.
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38
39
40
41
42
43
44
Herodotus, Histories, 8: 105-106.
Herodotus, Histories, 8: 106.
Herodotus, Histories, 7: 137.
Harrison, Divinity and History, 112-113.
Harrison, Divinity and History, 113.
Herodotus, Histories, 6: 98.
Harrison, Divinity and History, 115.
On this matter see Jacob Neusner- Bruce D. Chilton, Altruism in World Religions (Washington: Georgetown
University Press, 2013).
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Herodotus secondly included predestinating the destiny of human in the
adjectives of gods. In Herodotus man is generally depicted as a being that cannot
foresee his future and that is incapable. Because, human beings are in conflict
with sudden divine changes that are beyond foresight and control. Man is also
exposed to his fate. Yet, Herodotus’s fatalism has an aspect that goes beyond the
forms of divine intervention and gives prominence to cause-effect relationships
between events.45 In this direction, Herodotus manifests the adjectives for gods
moving from how the belief in god works among people or from how it appears
in human life. In the studies of History of Religions, as it is the essential part to
focus on the appearance of the divine and to discuss how a religious
phenomenon works among people/believers in individual and social aspects in
order to understand that religious phenomenon,46 Herodotus’s analyses on god’s
vengeance and fatalism may be considered in this context.
2.2. Divine Person
From past to today, religion has been an essential part of human beings and it
is also a well-known case that in all societies there are divine people who come to
the forefront, who direct them, who are believed to have connection to divine
powers and to have some spiritual powers and who represent the divine world.
As a natural result of this, divine people have been made subject matters in
various aspects for the studies in History of Religion.47 In Herodotus’s work, the
relationship between gods and people was frequently addressed and it was
emphasized that various mediators such as Oracles, dreams, prophecies,
predictors, and warning characters played an active role.48 In his narrations,
while it is a common state that the intervention of god and getting the knowledge
of intervention via prophecies,49 Oracles, which form the human behaviors and
come to the fore as a divine character, have been especially referred to because
they are the focus of religious and social life.50
Oracle is the name given to the predictors who have different centers in
ancient world’s Anatolia and Greece and explain the gods’ messages to human
beings and to the ambiguous and complicated51 answers they inform people
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45
46
47
48
49
50
51
Harrison, Divinity and History, 223.
Irwing Hexam, Understanding World Religions: An Interdisciplinary Approach (USA: Zondervan, 2011), 1617. For James L. Cox’s paradigmatic model summarizing the subject see James L. Cox, Kutsalı İfade Etmek:
Din Fenomenolojisine Giriş (İstanbul: İz Pub., 2004), 208.
Ekrem Sarıkçıoğlu, Din Fenomenolojisi: Dinlerin Mahiyeti ve Tezahür Şekilleri (Isparta: Fakülte Press, 2011),
174; Durmuş Arık, “Kutsal Kişi”, Dinler Tarihi, ed. Ahmet Hikmet Eroğlu (Ankara: Ankara University
Uzaktan Eğitim Pub., 2013), 77; Cox, Kutsalı İfade Etmek, 154-155.
Lloyd, “Book Ii”, 233; Deborah Boedeker, “Epic Heritage And Mythical Patterns In Herodotus”, Brill’s
Companion To Herodotus, Ed. Egbert J. Bakker- Irene J.F. De Jong- Hans Van Wees (Leiden, Boston, Köln:
Bill, 2002), 194-195.
Harrison, Divinity and History, 122.
See Herodotus, Histories, 7: 111.
As an example for this see Herodotus, Histories, 1: 46-49, 55, 62, 65, 66, 67, 85, 174; 4: 19, 77, 86, 98; 7: 111,
140, 141, 142, 148, 220; 8: 20, 77, 96; 9: 43.
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
405
with.52 In Herodotus’s work, which shows a descriptive approach via various
narrations to explain the individual and social roles of Oracles, the answers by
Oracles about Lydia-Pers war summarize Oracle as divine person both in
terms of his position in ancient times and the way Herodotus reviewed this
phenomenon.
According to the narration, Lydian king Kroisos wants Lydians who were
to go to the temple with their offerings to ask the Oracle in Delphoi the
question “Should Kroisos wage war with Persians; if he should, should he get a few
troops from an ally nation?”. When those Lydians arrived at the Oracle they were
sent and presented their offerings, they asked their king’s question as matching
up with the Oracle’s answer to whom they had previously consulted they get the
answer “If the king waged a war with Persians, he would overthrow the great
empire; also he should get in touch with the most powerful people in Greek”.53
When he learned the brought Oracles, Kroisos celebrated the predictors and had
no doubt about overthrowing Persian kingdom, sent his men back to Delphoi
and makes them distribute golds to everyone. As a response to this generosity
people of Delphoi bestowed privileges on Lydians such as meeting the Oracle
without having to wait, not paying residence fee and being able to become a
Delphoi citizen whenever they wanted.54 Kroisos, after impressing the people
Delphoi in this way, consulted to Oracle for the third time and makes ask the
question, “Will his reign be long?”. This time he gets this answer, which has a
warning quality: “One day a mule will be the king of Meds. Then, run o soft-footed
Lydian, run away through the Gravelled Hermos, Do not be ashamed as you are
escaping.”55 Being more happy for these words than he was for the previous ones,
Kroisos consoled himself thinking that a mule’s ascending to the Lydia throne
instead of a man would be impossible and moving from that by reaching the
conclusion he and his children will not lose the government misinterpreted the
Oracle.56 Because Lydia-Persian war resulted in the loss of king Kroisos and
Persian king Kyros appointed Kroisos as his consultant after sparing his life.57
When he had the chance Kroisos soon sent some messenger to Delphoi and
made them ask why the prophecy turned out to be wrong and took this answer:
“Kroisos has no right to complain about it. His Oracle informed him that if he attacks
Persians, he will overthrow a great empire. If he had been able to think rightly, he would have
sent a man and ask again whether this empire to be overthrown is mine or Kyros’s. He did not
understand the words of god, and did not ask later, so he must blame himself. Also, in the
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52
53
54
55
56
57
James Skerret Shore Baird, The Classical Manual: an Epitome of Ancient Geography, Greek and Roman
(Philadelphia: Blanchard and Lea, 1863), 104.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 53.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 54. In various narrations, it is underlined that desired Oracles are bought with
payment. See Herodotus, Histories, 5: 63.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 55.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 56.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 84-90.
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answer given to his last question, did not his Oracle talk about a mule? He did not hear this, as
well. This mule is Kyros; because his father and mother are not from the same blood; his
mother was from a better lineage however his father was not that noble.” After this answer,
Kroisos admitted that the fault was his, not the god’s.58
Jutta Kirchberg, a Greek and Latin literature specialist who wrote a book
called Die Funktion der Orakel im Werke Herodots (Göttingen, 1965) “The
Function of Oracle in Herodotus’ Works” on this and such narrations by
Herodotus, sums up the roles of Oracles in five articles as; mediating for the
healings that can be obtained by soothing gods, mediation and mentoring for the
solution of political difficulties, presenting a policy for colony, explaining cults
and traditions and making an effect to lead to an occupation.59 In this way, the
Oracle narrations in Herodotus offer a holy expert typology60 that plays the
mediator role again and again between people and the limitless value of these
people (holy/god). The responses given place in narrations function as behavior
and warning forms presented by gods for people.61
On the whole Herodotus introduces the function, holiness and the role of
Oracle in the society with his idiosyncratic storytelling, by remaining faithful to
objectivity as much as possible and with a sensitivity that focuses on the
believer’s perspective. As a matter of fact, by expressing that he cannot consider
deceptive the Oracles that he could not oppose and he also cannot consider their
unambiguous prophecies worthless, he states that he would keep away from
making them matters of debate.62 However, he leaves the door open for the
discussion of accuracy of the answers by laying the unambiguity of the answers as
a condition.63
2.3. Holy Place
Being at the center of religious life, giving directions and meaning to human
life, holy places are important phenomena whether it is a primitive tribe religion
or a universal religion. Attributing holiness to these places to which people show
favor for moral and material benefits depends on reasons such as indication of
this place by god, god’s dwelling there, god’s showing himself or his power there
and consideration of this place as holy by people.64 Holy place may be a prayer
place, a tomb, a graveyard or a place where supernatural events happen or objects
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58
59
60
61
62
63
64
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 91.
Philipp Vandenberg, Mysteries Of The Oracles: The Last Secrets Of Antiquity (London: Tauris Parke
Paperbacks, 1989), 269.
Cox, Kutsalı İfade Etmek, 147.
C. W. Fornara, “Human History and the Constraint of Fate in Herodotus”, Conflict, Antithesis, and the
Ancient Historians, ed. J. W. Allison (Columbus, Ohio, 1990), 39.
Herodotus, Histories, 8: 77.
Harrison, Divinity and History, 130-131.
Ahmet Güç, Dinlerde Mabet ve İbadet (İstanbul: Esra Fakülte Press, 1999), 21-25; Baki Adam, “Kutsal
Nedir?”, Halk İnanışları, ed. Durmuş Arık- Ahmet Hikmet Eroğlu (Ankara: Grafiker Pub., 2017), 58-60.
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
407
or places such as a tree, a stone, a rock, water, a mountain, a cave or a hill.65
These places and various rituals and phenomena forming around them are made
research subjects for History of Religions and server the function of a
triangulation point for religious analyses.66 Therefore, the information and
analyses presented and reported by Herodotus as a result of his observations in
various parts of the world Greece and Egypt being at the first place, in which he
interviewed religious officials about temples of which he reported different
traditions and rituals. Because he observed temples as a whole and he uses the
architectural forms of temples, the statues and valuable goods inside them and
the rituals and beliefs depending on them as the subject of research.67
Herodotus presents his analyses about temples in the axis of similarity of
beliefs in different societies. To illustrate, he informs that no mortal (human) is
allowed to stay the night in the tower of Zeus-Baal Temple in Babylon, except for
the ones that god chose among the native women. According to what priests says
-however, he does not believe them- god comes to the temple and rests in the
bed. Similarly, he writes that according to what Egyptians tell in some temples,
gods spend the night with women that are virgin or are abbess.68 Within this
frame, one of the most significant beliefs that Herodotus depicted about temples
is what he defines as the most shameful tradition of Babylonians that every
woman had to prostitute themselves in Aphrodite temple to a complete stranger
once in their lifetime. As required by this belief, a woman cannot come back her
home back unless a complete stranger comes and gives money to have sex with
her. It is a must that the stranger says “I call goddess Mylitta (Aphrodite) in your
person” while giving the money. The amount of money is not important as the
women have to accept it and this money is regarded holy. After the intercourse,
the woman goes back to her house by having pleased the goddess and after that
time she cannot be seduced no matter what is given to her. Giving the
information that in some parts of Cyprus island there is a similar tradition69,
Herodotus, by giving the Lydian King Kroisos’s father Alyattes’s tomb as an
example, says that in this tomb that was made with the money of common
people, girls selling themselves until they get married had a huge contribution.70
After mentioning that all societies except for Egyptians and Greeks have sexual
intercourse with women even in holy places and that they can directly go to a
temple without cleaning themselves or having a bath after this intercourse,
Herodotus points out that these nations evaluate human beings and animals
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65
66
67
68
69
70
Durmuş Arık, “Kutsal Mekân ve Ziyaret Fenomeni”, Halk İnanışları, ed. Durmuş Arık- Ahmet Hikmet
Eroğlu (Ankara: Grafiker Pub., 2017), 70.
For example, for an analysis on holy and non-religious within the context of holy place see Mircea Eliade,
Kutsal ve Profan, trans. Mehmet Ali Kılıçbay (Ankara: Gece Pub., 1991).
For example, see Herodotus, Histories, 1: 178-184.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 181-182.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 199.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 93.
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under the same category moving from the fact that animals have sexual
intercourse everywhere and god does not interrupt them.71 In this way,
Herodotus draws attention to that prostitution has an important place in some
religions and societies72 and by revealing the fact that Greeks do not have such
and understanding, he aims to show that their moral understanding is in a better
level.
Having used belief systems that are stranger to his own society in this way,
Herodotus considers disrespect against holy places and holy objects that people
respect as a sign of madness. For instance, he concluded that the Persian King
Kyros’s son Kambyses was an insane person by looking at his actions, because he
made open the tombs of earlier times and watched the dead bodies, entered into
temples and made fun of sculptures, he entered into the part of temple to which
only allowed for the priest and he ridiculed the sculptures there and burned
them.73 In this respect, Herodotus, by exhibiting an attitude that finds non-Greek
traditions interesting in themselves and even does not fail to praise them when
he considered them positive in a time when ancient Greek-Barbarian antithesis
was coming into focus,74 by means of implying to accept the belief of those who
are considered other as a phenomenon and to respect them, showed an approach
to that of History of Religions which aims to understand the beliefs of other and
to respect them.
Through Herodotus’s depictions about holy place, the basic characteristics of
national god/religions understanding may be inferred that was dominant at the
time. For example, he points out that there is a temple belonging to Zeus in
Mylasa, and only the nations of Karina, Kaunos ve Lykia can enter into this
temple75 and the people of Kaunos agreed on worshipping to gods to which their
ancestors worshipped and also agreed on excluding stranger gods.76 According to
this information, while it can be said that people of ancient times tended to
identify themselves with a god, it is also possible to see the life-saving role of god
and holy place regarding the information that against the Lydian attack, people
of Ephesus, by holding out a rope reaching to Artemis temple and connecting the
temple with the castle, devoted their city to the temple and considered it a part of
the temple.77
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71
72
73
74
75
76
77
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 64.
Mehmet Aydın, “Kutsal Fahişelik”, Ansiklopedik Dinler Sözlüğü (Konya: Din Bilimleri Pub., 2005), 437.
Herodotus, Histories, 3: 37-38.
Demir, “Herodotos ve Yabancı Kültürler: Mısır Örneği”, 315.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 171.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 172.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 26.
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
409
2.4. Holy Time
From past to present, it is emphasized that in all societies times which are
related to holy or in which the holy appears are defined as holy times and they
have a place in all religions in various ways and are research subjects for History
of Religions.78 Holy times, which conduce to sacralization of time and to
experience a time that has different meanings from non-religious (profane) time
for religious people, appears in different ways in social and religious life such as
feasts and rites of passage.79 Within this direction, it seems possible to evaluate
Herodotus’s depictions about feasts and analyses practiced in different societies
under the holy time category.
In a general sense, about feasts that sign days which are important in religious
or national aspects, and which are celebrated all together,80 it is attention
grabbing to mention Egyptian feasts in Herodotus. Herodotus, talks about
Artemis feast, celebrated in Bubastis, and Isis feast celebrated in Busiris, where is
the biggest Isis temple, as the most important and most common feasts in Egypt.
Moreover, he tells that four feasts called Athene, Sun, Leto and Ares are
celebrated in different cities.81 He describes the Artemis as a feast, in which a
large number of animals are sacrificed and in which wine is drunk more than any
other time.82 In Isis feast, he tells that after the animals are sacrificed hundreds of
thousands of people bewail and lament to their gods;83 and that Athene feast is
called the light feast because the city is lightened with lamps at the night of
sacrifices,84 that in Sun and Leto feasts people come to cities only to sacrifice
animals and he also presents the origin and rituals of Ares feast, which includes a
beating ceremony in which priests take part.85 When considered generally,
Herodotus’s depicting Egyptians feasts’ origins and basic rituals by associating
them with a god and city in his descriptions about the subject, holds the
qualification to present the place and importance of holy times in the religious
life of Egyptian people. In this way, he takes on the task of a historian of religion
and presents a holy time panorama example of ancient times.
Transition periods and ceremonies that correspond to birth, marriage and
death are important time periods for History of Religions as they manifest
religions’ view to human and to life. Because, the research done on the practice of
funeral rites that include various rituals and burial forms in ancient times, and
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78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
See Mustafa Ünal, Dinlerde Kutsal Zamanlar (İstanbul: IQ Kültür Sanat Pub., 2008).
Münir Yıldırım, “Mircea Eliade’de ‘Kutsal ve Kutsal Zaman Kavramı’”, Dini Araştırmalar Dergisi 30/28
(2007): 59-82
Sargon Erdem, “Bayram”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi (Ankara: TDV Pub., 1994), 5: 257.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 59.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 60.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 61.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 62.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 63; Also, about Iranian and Scythian feasts see Herodotus, Histories, 3: 79; 4: 76.
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the information obtained in the research gives clues about the religious beliefs of
the time. For this reason, the information and analyses in Herodotus that are
about funeral rites in various societies lend assistance to understand ancient time
beliefs. In this respect, the information he gave about the funeral rites in various
societies such as Egyptians and Scythians are noteworthy. According to
Herodotus, the funeral rites of Egyptian people consist of two parts as mourning
and mummification. Accordingly, when there is a loss in a house the women in
that house put mud on their heads and faces, leave the dead alone in the house
and they walked in streets by pulling their skirts up and lamenting. Their
relatives and men accompany them. After all mourning, the dead is given to
mummification masters to be embalmed.86
Herodotus categorizes mummification methods as the rich, middle class and
the poor by reason of their being preferred according to the appropriateness of
people’s income. According to the descriptions he made, it can be said that the
practice of mummification is a work of mystery and mastership and the price is
determined considering the primitiveness and development of the methods
practiced while cleaning the body from internal organs. It is understood that
keeping the physical integrity of the dead is the base of all methods.87 Also,
thinking that Egyptians do not accept the tradition of other nations, Herodotus88
states that they act according to rules that are specific to themselves in various
cases about the dead.89
Herodotus depicts they funeral rites of Scythians by categorizing them as
kings and common people. He tells that when kings die, they are mummified,
special tombs for them are made, they are taken about among people, one of
their wives, a servant and a horse, one of the belongings they used and their
golden cups are put into the tomb and the tom is covered with soil with the aim
of forming the highest hill.90 He also emphasizes that when someone from
common people dies, the dead body is taken about with a vehicle for forty days to
visit their relatives and a piece of the meal they eat is reserved for the dead
person. He remarks that Scythians hold a ceremony to clean themselves after
burying the dead body.91
According to the information which Herodotus gave about Egyptian and
Scythian funeral rites and a good part of which are archeologically confirmed in
historical process, mummification of the dead, giving utmost importance to
physical integrity and putting a number of people and material elements into the
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86
87
88
89
90
91
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 85.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 85-88.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 91.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 90.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 71.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 73; Also, about funeral ceremonies of Persians and Spartans see Herodotus,
Histories, 1: 140.
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
411
tomb that were held by the dead person when alive, are considered among the
indications that these societies believed in life after death. Because, it is stated
that the hereafter has an important place in societies that have such traditions
and rituals.92 Therefore, the information exhibited by Herodotus about funeral
rites, contributes to understand the hereafter belief in these societies and implies
their salvation understandings that is formed according to this belief of them.93
2.5. Sacrifice
Sacrifice, which is as long-established as the history of humanity, is a
universal ritual that takes part in all religions in the world stage. Sacrifice, which
states the offerings with or without blood, presented to a holy being or to holy
beings,94 is of the important research subjects of History of Religions. Sacrifice is
one of the basic elements of life ancient world and it is discussed in a way that
contains traditions in different cultures with Herodotus’s narrations. Within this
context, for instance it is told that Lydian King Kroisos had three thousand
animals sacrificed to ingratiate himself to Delphoi god, and then he compiled
golden and silver beds, golden cups, redbud fabrics and shirts and offered them
to god and also ordered Lydians to offer some gold according to their conditions
and later he had these compiled gold carried to the temple as chunks.95 From
such narrations in Herodotus, it is understood that sacrifice was presented in
various ways such as choking, burning and cutting and with the aim of pleasing
god/gods and then to reach the things they requested.96
In Herodotus’s depictions about sacrifice, it is possible to find his
contemporary examples of elements that are similar in many religions in the
historical process. To illustrate, it is considered forbidden to sacrifice an animal
without a Mag (religious officials chosen from the Mags who are a tribe of
Medes)97 and as their task is mainly to mention the names of gods, it is described
as performing a discourse that tells god chains.98 According to this, the active role
of a Mag in performing the sacrifice ritual and that being a religious official
depends on race shows parallelism with Brahmins in Hinduism of Vedic period99
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92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
See Salima Ikram, “Afterlife Beliefs And Burial Customs”, The Egyptian World, Ed. Toby Wilkinson (New
York: Routledge, 2007), 340-354; İlhami Durmuş, “İskitler’de Ölü Gömme Geleneği”, Milli Folklor 61
(2004): 21-29.
For an analysis about salvation understandings of religions in which there is also Egyptian religion see Fuat
Aydın, “Dinlerde Kurtuluş Anlayışı (Teorik Bir Giriş Denemesi)”, Pesa Uluslararası Sosyal Araştırmalar
Dergisi 1/1 (2015): 71-101.
Joseph Henninger, “Sacrifice”, Encyclopedia of Religion (Second Edition), ed. Lindsay Jones (New York:
Macmillan Reference, 2005), 12: 7997-7998.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 50.
As an example to narrations within this context, see Herodotos, Tarih, 1: 167; 2: 39; 4: 59-62.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 101.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 132.
See David M. Knipe, “Priesthood: Hindu Priesthood”, Encyclopedia of Religion (Second Edition), ed. Lindsay
Jones (New York: Macmillan Reference, 2005), 11: 7405-7407.
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and with the Cohens in Judaism.100 This case sets an example for priesthood
understanding that takes part in various styles in religions.
Herodotus’s narrations on Egypt’s beliefs about sacrifice are also striking. In
fact, he states that the ox to be sacrificed is examined by the religious official, and
that sacrificing an ox that did not pass this examination would be labeled as
going into death risk.101 In this way, he wants to emphasize the importance that
Egyptians gave to cleanliness in every respect.102 He also tells that, while
Egyptians sacrifice clean oxen and young calves, cows are not sacrificed because
they are the holy animals of the God Isis. He tries to depict the appearing of
holiness of cows among believers by looking at the fact that Isis’s sculptures are
made as a woman with cow horns and that Egyptians have an agreement on all
hands about this subject. Moreover, by showing that in different parts of Egypt,
where different animals are considered holy, female sheep is considered holy but
not goat, or goat is considered holy and female sheep is sacrificed, as the reason
of this he points out to the fact that Egyptians do not worship the same gods.103
Such information in Herodotus,104 reveal that a lot of animals are considered holy
and are related to a cult in the mentioned geography.105 Furthermore, as
archeological findings confirm the sacrifice culture that was ritualized under the
ancient Egyptian priests, Herodotus becomes the mirror of the appearance with
his narrations.106
Herodotus discusses human sacrifice that is seen in ancient times and has a
part in History of Religions researches, as related to various events. In this
respect, in his narrations where captive and children sacrifices are highlighted,
tells that after the Persian king Kyros defeated Lydian king Kroisos, he wanted to
offer Kroisos and the fourteen children with him to the gods by burning them in
fire.107 He reports he was told that when Menealos, who came to Egypt to find
Helen, was about to set off to go back home with Helen could not find the proper
wind for his sail and so sacrificed two children in a way that is contrary to
religion.108 The wildest narrations of Herodotus on human sacrifice are about the
people of Scythians and Tauris. According to this, he tells that Scythians
sacrificed one in every hundred captives captured in wars for God Ares, by
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100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
See Baruch A. Levine, “Priesthood: Jewish Priesthood”, Encyclopedia of Religion (Second Edition), ed.
Lindsay Jones (New York: Macmillan Reference, 2005), 11: 7399-7400.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 38.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 38.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 41-42.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 65-77.
Kürşat Demirci, “İslam Öncesi Din ve Toplumlarda Hayvan”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi
(Ankara: TDV Pub., 1998), 17: 82.
Ahmet Güç, “Kurban”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi (Ankara: TDV Pub., 2002), 26: 434.
Herodotus, Histories, 1: 49-50.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 119.
Ancient Origins of the History of Religions: Herodotus Example
413
cutting their right arms in shoulder and leaving them to where they fell.109 He
also reports that the people of Tauris sacrificed Greeks who had a shipwreck by
killing them hitting their heads with sticks and throwing their bodies down the
rock where the temple is, and hanging their heads on a pale. 110 Generally, these
narrations which are confirmed with archeological datum in historical process
show that human sacrifice is practiced for various reasons such as a price for
victory or for penance in the mentioned places. Also, by pointing out that the
human sacrifice discussed in Sami religions Abraham and Ishmael/Isaac was in
fact in a different time and place, he aims to reach a more extensive analysis
about the subject in terms of History of Religions.
Herodotus -apart from the religious phenomena examined until this point –
did not abstain from touching on the traditions and rituals of the societies he
examined in a detailed way. From this point of view, his determinations on the
practice of circumcision in ancient times reflect his approach. It was asserted that
the practice of circumcision, which is identified with Sami religions, date back to
ancient Egypt and from there it passed to Samis who live near Egypt, and from
them it passed to other societies.111 Concordantly, according to Herodotus
Egyptians and other who took this tradition from them were circumcised.112 For
this reason, as well as Egyptians; Ethiopians, Phoenicians, Syrians, Colchis and
Macrons practiced circumcision. In the spread of circumcision, trade with Egypt
is effective and transitivity is present between neighboring nations.113 What is
more, in reference to Herodotus, the reason why Egyptians were circumcised was
their cleaning understanding, because they valued cleanliness over beauty.114
Archeological datum and academic studies support Herodotus’s determinations
especially in terms of places where circumcision is practiced.115 Therefore,
Herodotus makes contribution to History of Religions with his determinations
about the development stage and function of a religious phenomenon which has
an impact on human life in modern world as in the Jewish and Muslims.
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109
110
111
112
113
114
115
Herodotus, Histories, 4: 62.
Herodotus, Histories, 4: 103. Also, Herodotus shows an Egyptian-sided attitude by not finding realistic the
narrations which tell that Heracles went to Egypt, and that sacrifices were tried to be made for Zeus there.
He presents this approach of his by saying, “While their religion bans to sacrifice other animals except for
pork, ox and calf on condition that they are clean, how come they can sacrifice humans?” Herodotus,
Histories, 2: 45.
Salime Leyla Gürkan, “Sünnet”, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı İslam Ansiklopedisi (Ankara: TDV Pub., 2010), 38:
156; Reay Tannahil, Tarihte Cinsellik, trans. Sinem Gül (Ankara: Dost Pub., 2003), 68.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 36.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 104.
Herodotus, Histories, 2: 37.
See Asaf Ataseven, ‘’Sünnet Hakkında Bir Araştırma”, İslamî Araştırmalar 2/6 (1988): 22.
414
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CONCLUSION
Herodotus presented in his work called “Histories” the religions of foreigners
with a great interest that leads him to compare religions, with a believer-centered
method that depends on what he saw and heard as much as possible and with
having a grasp about both the written and oral sources of his time. Thus, he
seems to have ensured the minimum characteristics that have to be in a study of
History of Religions. Herodotus comparatively reviewed religious phenomena
such as god, holy person, holy place, holy time and sacrifice, which are
mentioned in modern period studies of History of Religions, in terms of their
influencing and shaping human life sometimes in a direct and sometimes in an
indirect way. With this respect, it becomes possible to evaluate his method of
reviewing religious phenomena ant the information he presented about them as
the ancient origins of History of Religions. As a matter of fact, this evaluation
turns out to be right because he examined the sources of gods in a similar
approach to Müller’s, he set a moral essence for religions moving from adjectives
for gods’, he offered a holy person profile within the context of Oracle and he
referred to this person’s role in society, he emphasized the centrality of holy
places in religious life by referring to temple’s general functions and
characteristics, he exhibited a panorama of holy time by showing feast
understandings and burial traditions of different nations and he made detailed
analyses on sacrifice types and practices. All these characteristics make
Herodotus authentic in his time and bring his work into the forefront in terms of
introduction to History of Religions.
In conclusion, Herodotus objected to marginalization of others by calling
them barbarians for their beliefs by means of telling others’ belief in an objective
way as much as possible and by depending on his observations, and by this way
he developed a kind of “other phenomenology”. Although there are various
matters for which he may be criticized, it is seen that Herodotus moved with the
reflex of a historian of religions in respect of his aiming to research, understand
and when necessary compare and present common essences for others’ religions,
and that in this manner, he has enough characteristics to be defined as “father of
History of Religions” as well as father of history.
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