I Intersectionsbetween Sufism and power Narrating the shaykhs and sultans of Northern India, 1200-1400 Blain H. Auer This study involves a critical re-evaluation of the litera¡y modes ofrepresentaton ofthe flgures ofthe sulta.n and the Sufi shaykl in the pre-modem Muslim world. It attempts to show how narrative frameworks from historiography and biography, depicting the lives ofthe Delhi sultans a¡d Sut shaykhs ofthe seventh./thirteenth and eightb/fouteenth centuries, were interdependent. In biographical genres and in the recorded conversations of Sufr shayklx of the eighth/fourteenth cenhìry, images ofthe shaykh were crafted with litera¡y techniques found in historiography. In historiography of tle same period, sultans are depicted with images commonly reserved for Sufl shaykhs as for.rnd in their recorded conversations and biographies. It is importa.nt to understard the intertextuality of these literary genres ald to understand the relationships between image, authorship, and audience.r Tlese texts provide a means to understand the evolving cormections between royal cowts as they played a major role in the institutionalization of Sufl orders through patronage and confened legitimacy. They also reveal the multitude ofways Suû shaykbs reciprocated power by legitimating the authority of sultans. Ar understanding of this historical relationship car help to unravel some fundamental questions in the study of this period in the history of Muslim South Asia. For instance, what were the sources of legitimacy for Suû shaykhs and Muslirn rule¡s? What was the role of Sufl shaykhs in establishing Islamic hegemony? hat role did the courts of Muslim rulers play in the evolution and institutionalization ofSuû o¡ders? In attempting to answer some ofthese questions this chapter offen new methods ofinterpretation for the study ofthe relationship between Sufism and power over t}re course of tle seventh./thirteenth and eighth/ fourteenlå centuries. ì Conflicting images, genre, and authorship In his remarkable study ofthe power ard authority ofpre-modem Moroccan Sufr shaykhs, Vincent Comell makes the general and provocative st¿tement that "Sainthood is a matter of discourse."2 Employing the term "discourse," Comell acknowledges something frequently ignored or generally overlooked in the study oflslam and Sufism.3 Religious flgures, in this case Sufi shaykhs, pass through social, institutional, and literary processes to achieve tïeir sanctified status.a More 18 Intersections between Sufsu and Blain H. Auer importa¡tly, the acknowledgment oftheir status, and the level and extent oftheir authority, ias been the subject of intense debates, both intemally within Sufl circles and extemal to them.5 This was clearly the case in regard to Sufism in premodem Morocco. It is equally the case in regard to Suûsm as it developed in the context of Muslim South Asia. The subject of the discourse under consideration is the relationship between Sufi shaykhs and the sulta¡s of Delhi. Of course, the historical trajectory of the northem India¡ subcontinenl was quite different from that ofthe Magbreb' which stood at the opposite end of the pre-modem Muslim world Centers of lslamic authority had been founded in the imperial cities of Fes and Marrakesh long before tire establishment of Sufi orders. The origin of Delhi as a center of Islamic authority dates back to the early seventl/thì¡teenth century when Shams al-Dtn tltutrnisir 1r. 607 3311210-36) took the throne and established the lineage of the Shamsþa sultans of India.6 Delhi, as a preeminent center of Islamic authority, was bom in tìe context of increasingly institutionalized forms of Sufism' The coeval development of an Indo-Islamic sultanate based in Delhi and the establishment of Sufl centers was unique to South Asia and perhaps had a more profound impact on the socio-political climate of the seventh/thirteenth and than anywhere else in the Muslim world'7 ""nturies "lghttt/foo.t""ntn the time ofthe emergence ofthe Delhi Sultanate' that during It is no coincidence the two most importãnt Sufi orders of South become the "founders" ofwhat would Asia, the Chishtilya and Suhrawardiyy4 established religious centers in India' One rnajor clifficulty in plope y undeßtanding the origins ofthese orders in South Asia is that there is no literary evidence pertaining to them from the periocl in which their purported founders lived. Mu'in al-Din chishti (53Á331114l-1236) is said to have migrated from Chisht, a town located 8 ìear Herat in eastem Afghanistan near the Ghurid capital, Frräzküh He settled in the to',{n of Ajmer in India and his tomb became the site of an important pilgrimage center, at least by the mid-eighth/fourteenth century, when tlle sultan ofbehi, Muhammarl b. Tughluq (r ' 724-5211324-51), singled it out for his own pilgrimage.e Mu'Tn al-Din would become known, at least in reûospect, as the founder ofthe Chishtiyya order. The other shaykh, Baha' al-DlnZakanyyã (5'18-66111182 1262), was bom in South Asia but travelled far and wide to complete his religious education.ro In Baghdad, he studied under tlte famous Sufr, Abü Hafç 'Umar al-Sub¡awa¡di (539-63211145-1234), who is reported to have deputed him to represent the Suhrawardi order in South esia. Salã' al-Din Zakarilyã's fame would spread as the formder of the Suhrawardi order in India. These two ûgures have served as focal points in the understanding of the evolution of a vast network of Sui groups that shared ritual practices, a common conception ofgenealogy, and the formal transmission ofreligious authoriry They hved àuring the time when Shams al-Dïn Iltutrnish was attempting to establish Delhi as a center of Islamic authority, a¡d in later sources they are depicted as having had influence over him.rr The relationship between these men ofpower is the subject of considerable scrutiny and it stands at the crux of the social, cultural, power 19 and political issues that were integral to the various formulations of Islamic authority in the subcontinent. What we krow about Sufr shaykhs and Muslim rulers fiom South Asia is primarily constructed out of literary writings that fall into tbree genres broadly conceived: history (t4rtlçl¡), biography þþar), and the conversations of shaykhs (malJùv1t/nøjalß).12 Hisiory writing ìvas, of coutse, an ongoing literary activity ofMuslim cou¡ts that began as early as the second/eighth century. One ofthe ûrst histories of signiûcaace ûom the Delhi Sultanate was the universal history of Minhãj Sirãj Jüzjãnr @. 589/1193), the Tabaqãt-i Natiri It was a universal history of Islam beginning with tales from the life of ihe prophet a.nd father of humanity, Adam, and ending with the exploits of Nãsù al-D-m Mahmi¡d Shãh (r. 644 64/1246 66), sultan of Delhi ard Jüzjãni's patron. If history was the premier literary mode of representation for Muslim rulers in South Asia, then biography was the purview of Sufi shaykhs. However, writings pertaining to Sufi orders as they would develop in South Asia do not appear until the eighth/ fourteenth century. These writings take general shape in two prominent literary genres. One form is the biographies of Sufi shaykhs, sometimes referred to as siyar or \øz-kira. The most famous and widely read of the biographies of Sufi shaykhs written in P ersiat is the Tbzkirat al-øwliya'by Faljid al-D-m 'Attãx (d. ca. 6i7l1220). In South Asia, the fust ofthese kinds ofbiographical works to impact the literary culture ofthe Delhi Sultanatewasthe Siyar al-a id' ofM-rr Khwurd (fl,. 7 52-90 I 13 s I -82) ;t 3 Another layer in this literary tradition was the recorded didactic conversations of shaykhs known as malJù7at or møjalis.ra This tradition is exempliûed by works such as Amrr flasan Sijzt's (655-737 /1257-1336) Føva'id al-fu'ød, which documents the teaching sessions of the most farnous Suû shaykh of the day, Nizãm al-Drn Awliy-a' (ca. 640-72511243-1325). There a¡e also importa¡t but lesser known wo¡ks such as lhe Durqr-i Ni?ami by 'Ali b. Mahmüd Janda¡, a major source utilized in the composition of tt.e Siyar al-awliya'.\5 Arßtbet extremely important work is {arnrt Qalandar's Khayr al-mø7äft1s, which records the sayings of Nasjr al-D-rn Mahmüd Chirãgh-i Dihlî (d. 75711356), perhaps the most prominent successor to Nigãm al-DTn Awtiyã' ró It is within the pages of the Sufi biographies and the conversation of shaykhs that the stock imagery of the pious Sufl shaykh was crafted. Stories about Sufi shaykhs emphasized their divine inspirati on (ilham), poverly (faqr\,theprobcrion (wilõya) they of'fered tbrough God, their marvelous powes (karamat) and their chosenness by God. These kinds oftexts are frequently collectively referred to as hagiograph¡ a term that canies with it the nineteenth- and t\üentieth-century pejorative baggage ofbeing'întrue," and they are often contrasted \ ith the "true" narratives fou¡d in other types of historiography.rT However, the generic distinctions made between the hagiography and historiography of the eightb/ fourteenth century ca¡not be accepted outright, as will be seen. Carl Emst has commented upon this axtiflcial distinction, saying, "The polarity between mystical and royal historiographies should not be taken as absolute and exclusive, but as a . synbiotic relationship. "l s 20 Blain H. Auer Courts, Sufi circles, and Patronage In addition to understanding gerue when interpreting discouses on the relatioriship between Sufi shaykhs and Muslim rulers it is also important to pay attention to authonhip and audience. The authors of the histories of the Delhi sultans and the biographies of Suû shaykhs shaxed discusiv€ spaces. Both court historiaß ancl the biãgraphers of Sufi shaykhs were prominent members of Muslim courts, holding high offices, mingling at the elite levels ofsociery In fact, in many cases authots *ho chose Sufi shaykhs as the subject for their literary endeavors also wïote works dedicated to the lives of sulta¡s. Though it is difficult to trace the patronage of the works dedicated to Sufi shaykhs, it is unlikely that these literary endeavors would have been created without, at least, indirect court patronage' There certainly was a sha¡ed audience for both historical and biographical works: the court, the iiterate, and a notion ofposterity. Ultimately, the primary audiences of the histories of sultans and biographies of shaykhs difered completely' Simply put, one was, literally, dedicated to sultans and the other to shaykhs The long-lasting interactions between royal courts, Sufi circles, a¡d the literaxy culture are no beiter exempliûed than in the life of Amtr Khusraw (651 725l 1253-1325). Amir Khu$aìv authored some ofthe most important historical works on the Delhi sultans produced in the late seventh,/thirteenth and earþ eightb/ fou¡teenth centudes, in both prose ald verse.le He prominently served at the pleasure of no fewer ttran five sultans of Delhi, fiom Ja1ãl al-Dîn Ftruz Shãh (r ãSg-gSltZgo 5) to Ghiyâg al-Din Tughluq Shah (r. 7204/13204\. At the sartjLe time he was a close associate ofthe most influential Sufi shaykh ofhis day, Ni7ãm al-DmAwliyã'.20 He \üïote "dedications- to Ni?ãm al-DinAwliyâ' in a mrmber of his writings. Moreover,+he Aþal al-fava'rd, though likely a spuriously attributed work, is supposedly the sayings of the shaykh as collected by Amir Kltusraw, and the collection reptesents a testament to the fame ofthe relationship between the two.2r Ni7ãm al-Din Awliyã' 's infuence at the royal court extended far beyond Ari-tr Khusraw. There was also Amtr Hasan SijzI, the author of the most famous collection of conversations of NiTam al-DTn Awliyã', the Fava'id al-fu'ad' Lrke ô,nr*rr Khusraw Amtr tlasan held court appointments under a variety of sultans of Delhi. As court poet, his ¿lïvøz is full ofpraise poems dedicated to the sulta$ he served.z ln fact, many ofthe compileË ofthe sayings ofinfluential Sufi shaykhs also wrote praise poetry to sultans. This was the case \¡/ith Hatu..rd Qalandar' In addition to the Khayr al-maialß, Qalandar also composed poetry in praise of the sultan Frruz Shãh (r 752-90i 1351-88), the last ofthe great Tughluq rulers ofthe Delhi Sultanate. Though his rFvãn has been lost, some of Qalandar's verses have been preserved in the Maimu'a-yi lqíq'if va safina, an anthology of poetry compiled in the ninth/flfteenth century.23 Finally, consider Ziyã' al-DTn Baram (ca. 684-758/1285-1357), author of the famous Tarlkh-i Fîruz Shãh|, a dynastic history of the sultans of Delhi from Ghiyãg al-DÍn Balb an (r. 664-85/1266-87) to the sixth regnal year of Frräz Shãh' BaranT held the distinguished post of c ovrt cormcilor (na[tm) to Mubâmmad b' ,:'ff:#r:::":r::::i::"::ri:. rugrrruq. He arso aurhored the m of the eightb./fourteenth century, the f'ø tuvd-i Jahqndqrl.24 Barani frequented the khãnaqdh of Ni7Ãm al-Drn, and this is where he cultivated his relationship wilh Amir Khusraw and Amir flasan. As Barani said of their relationship, "Amr-r Khusraw, Am-u flasan, and I had had a close füendship for many years; they could not survive without my companionship, nor I without theirs."25 Baram's writings testi8/ to the fact tlÉt Ni7ãm al-D-rn's high-level associations with the royal court were at times beneûcial and at times detrimental. For instance, during the reign of Qutb al-Dïn Mubãrak Shãh (r. 71G20/l3lG20), Ni7ãm al-Dln was singled out for threats because of the influence he wielded over powerful members of the royal court.26 Patronage between Islamic courts and Sufi centers can further be seen in the construction ofthe ftå Anaqah, or cetÍer of Sufi activity.2? Strltans made significant financial contributions to the building ofthese multifaceted structures. One ofthe major functions ofthe khctnqqahwastoprovide food and shelter to underprivileged members of sociery This ability to distribute charity was made possible through the generous donations ofa shaykh's admirers, maay ofthem being sultans, emirs, and their cou¡tiers. This is best illustrated by an anecdote recordedi¡lhe Favõ'id al-Fu'ad. ThereNrqãm al-Din Awliyã' relates that Ulugh Klan, then govemor of the province oflahore, while passing through Ajüdhan on the way to Multan ìvent to meet with Bãbâ FanI. In this meeting he donated a large sum of money (naqdana), whrchBãbã Farid accepte{ though he rejected the land grants (zi¡al) offered along with it.28 Coincidentally, Ulugh Khan later became Sultan Ghiyãg al-Dïn Balban. Bãbã FanI's acceptance ofthe donation and his association with Ghiyãg al-D-rn Balban indicates his approval ofthe future sultan. Thus, there developed a system of donalions (futuh) that supported the charitable activities o l the S\fi khãnaqoh -2e This ensured that Sufi shaykhs had a steady stream of visitors and, at the same time, it elevated the piety ofthe sultan through his generous donations. It was a¡ economic system ofinterdependence and of such importance to the court that the sultans of Delhi devoted the activities of the appointed office of shoykh al-ßlõm to the care and maintenance of the Sufl khanaqãh and the patronage of Suû shaykhs. This specific function of the office appears to have been unique to the Delhi Sultanate when compared to the broader Muslim world ofthe time. Richard Bulliet traces the offi ce of the shaykh al-ßlãrz to Khurasan in the late tenth century CE. By the eleventh century this ofûce was dedicated to administedng the madrasa. However, in the context of South Asia this office took on a rather specific function. He wdtes, "The Shaykh al-Islam was a higbly religious, govemmental ofÊcial charged with dispensing patronage to eminent men of religion, sufis in pa.rticula¡. ":o Muslim rulers helped contribute to the institutionålization of Suûsm in a number ofother ways. Just consider the relations befween Muhammad b. Tughluq and Ni7ãm al-Dîn Awliyã' . In one incident, Ibn Battúta records in his magniûcent travelogue, popularly known as the Riirla, a tale in which Ni?ãm al-D-rn Awþä' confers the kingdom upon young prince Muhammad b. Tugbluq during a moment 22 Blain H. Auer of ecstasy (rt hllihi\.In the same passage Ibn Battüta tell us that Muþammad b' tughluq wås among the pallbeareis ofthe firneral of Ni7ãm al-Din Awliyã"3r In records u nìrttt"i .t"p tttut Uineflted tÏe forh¡nes of the Chishti order, Ibn Battuþ for town ofAjüdhan the from the revenues that Muhammad b. Tugbluq remitted to seems noted, "This Eaion As Richard the maintenance ofttre sbrine complex.32 tlle of in favor revenues oflocal alienation be the earliest reference to ttre court's shrine's support."r3 Muhammad b. Tughluq was also responsible for the r}r,e construction of the tomb of 'Alã' al-D-rn Mawj-i Daryã (d ca' 66111268)' 'IçãmI (b' ca' 'Abd al-Malik earlier, grardson of Bãbã Fanl.sa As was noted went on b. Tughluq that Mubammad ittlt:tO¡ reports in his "Fati þ al-sala¡1n This was Chishti' al-Dm of Mu'rn tomb pilgilmage (zíyãra)to Ajmer, visiting the anà'ter way tnat suttans lent their legitimacy to the Sufi shaykhs, while receivirg tlrc benefits of associating with popular living and deceased shaykhs' One of the more convincing views conceming the rise ofSuû centers in South Asia can be found in Richa¡cl Eaton's classic study on the settlement of Sufis in Bijapur, the bugeoning capital of a southem Indian Muslim court' He ûotes that th; institutionalized forrns of Sufism that evolved across the Muslim world did not occur simultaneously. The spread of the Qãdirilya and Chishtilya into southem lnclia did not occu¡ until after the mid-eighth/fourteenth century' This development paralleled the expansion of Islamic authority into southem India' Eaton wdtes, :"Than, too, by the mid-fourteenth cenh.rry the city of Bijapur was beginning to pass from a remote outpost on the edge ofthe Islamic frontier to a small center of islamic culture in its own right."35 Eaton makes the important distinction between what he refers to as "Warrior Sufls"-individuals who "began to arrive around the time of the first invasions from Delhi, and began to disappear around the time of the establishment ofthe Bahmani Kingdom (1347-1489)'-and those Suñs who accompanied the uban arrd settled phase of Islamic empire in South Asia-3ó Fo[ãwing this line of thought, ono explanation for the emergence of Sufi centers in Sòuth Asia may be sought in the late-sixth/twe1ftl-century expansion of the Ghurid realms. Ghurid conquests in India facilitated tÏe movement of Muslim religious leaders of the "Sufi Warrior" ¡pe from the Ghurid heartlands into India. Chisht, the town from which the Chishtiyya derive úeir name, was located near the Ghurid capital, Frrüzküh. It vr'as elevated as an impofant religious center by the Ghurid sultans through the patronage of mosques, madrasas, and Ghurid sultans saw it as a site to strengthen their religious credentals'r8 The fact that there is no mention ofthe Chishtiyya order during the Ghurid period is at least partial evidence that institutionalized forms of Sufi orders were still not in existence. lt was not lmtil the eighth/fourteenth century, when Delhi was fifly establishecl as a major urban center ìvhich supported a vibraat economy and rich cultural life, that narratives ofthe Chishtiyya order begin to appear' The closeness ofthe economic ties held between courts and Sut ci¡cles makes it easier to understarìd why the image ofthe relationship between Sufi shaykhs and mausoleâ.37 sultans, when looked at as a whole from the Delhi Sultanate, is ambiguous, paradoxical, and contradictory At times, Sut shaykhs are depicted in historical and biographical modes of representation as being at odds with the Muslim *, .""o"liT, ":::"i:|:;::::#t#;" :t^ politicar readers or*" criticizing their lifestyles. At other times they are represented as accepting money from the govemment's treasury, supporting sulta¡s in political and militaxy matters, and developing close personal relationships with members of the court, as well as with sultans. The piety of shaykhs ând the politics of poverty Fundamental ambiguities in the relationship between Suû shaykhs and sultans would not be a problem, per se, except for the conventional reception in secondary scholarship where, more often than not, the image ofthe politically removed Sufi shaykh has come out on top against the image of the Sufi shaykh entangled in matten of t¡e court. Sunil Kuma¡ has neatly summed up the general misreading of scholars who attempt to answer tlre sultan and Sufl shaykl question, saying that "They have frequently assumed these reports described the 'actual'natu¡e of the relationship belwe€n the two groups, ignoring the discursive, rhetorical content of the na¡ratives."3e It is also a partial consequence of the way many scholars have neglected the important vr'ay genre, authorship, and audience underlie the representations of lslamic authority, particdarly the Sufi shaykh. K.A. Nizami was the first prominent scholar to aclively promote the image of the pious shaykh aloof fiom the enticements of political power and intrigue. He was extremely influential in perpetuating an idealized version of the Chishti shaykhs'renunciation from the world and their distance ftom royal courts. He first cultivated this idea in a series ofinfluential articles published urrder the title "Early Indo-Muslim Mystics and thet Attitude towards the State."{ It was a perspective he maintained throughout his career a¡d is summarized by his claim that, "The Muslim mystics of the early Middle Ages, particula¡ly those belonging to the Chishti si/sila, cut themselves offcompletely &om kings, politics, ard govemment service.'ar Nizami's ideas were picked up most notably by Aziz Ahrnad. Speaking directly to the attitude ofthe Chishti shaykhs arrd summarizing the conclusions of Nizami, he wrote, "The Chishti order continued to abide by the principle ofpride in poverty, avoiding as far as possible the court and company of nobles," and further argued that "The Chishtî saints continued to decline levenues or pensions offered to them from va¡ious sultans.'42 Indeed, there is a proverbial quality to the image of the pious Sufr shaykh as depicted in eighth/fourteenth-century works. In writings from this period, there are a plethora of na¡ratives which highlight the ma¡ner in which Suû shaykhs avoided contact or criticized the Muslim rulers of the day. The avoidance of worldly power was a popularly disseminated creed of the Chishtiyya order, as is demonshated in a number of statements by prominent shaykhs on the subject. Take for example Farid al-Dln Garj-i Sh kar (57I-664/117 3-1265), also known as Bãbä FanA, the predecessor to Ni?âm al-D-rn Awliyã', and his teaching as recorded in lhe Siyar al-awliyãl He is reported to have said "If you desire to attain the position of great saints, do not pay attention to tlte princes."a3 In a broader context of the Muslim world, this attitude of opposition and rejectiou of 24 Intersections between Sufism qnd power 25 Blqin H. Auer power is epitomized by tlre encounter between Abu 'Alî al-Hasan b. Mas'ùd Yusi (1040 1102/1631-91) and the Moroccan Sultan Mawlãy lsmã'Il (r' 1082 113911672-1727), a story tbât was given wide circulation by Clifford Geertz in his fæned Islam Observed.aa However, statements like Bãbã Fana's reveal more thanjust an attitude towards worlclly power They underscore the intersection and contestation of a variety of forms of Islarnic authority evolving during this period. The kind of reluctarce to even associate with the rulers of metedal things was often a function of the shaykh's voluntary adoption of poverty (faqr) arrÔ world rcnunciation which is part of asceticism (zuhd).as In lhe Køshf al-naþiúå, considered to be the first treatise on Sufrsm inthe Persian language, 'Alrb. 'Usmãn Hujv i(d. ca.46411071) quotes a saying ofAbü'l-Hasan Nül (d.2951907), "|he Suû is one who owns nottring and is not ov/ned by an!'thing" ( ql- -suf altadW la yamlik wala yumlak).$ Both Hujvid and al-Qushayri (37(./.65198Ç1072), author of the important Risdla, devote signifrcant portions oftheir reflections on Suûsm to th€ concept of was prevalent faqr.a1 This was a general ideal for the figule ofthe Sufi shaykh that of seventVthirteenth-century Speaking world. pre-modem Muslim across üre biographies of Sufi shaykhs in Morocco, Daphna Ephrat writes, "The general impression conveyed is that the more the wali refuses tlte vanities of this world the more his prestige is enhanced.'48 This general and pervasive attitude has made it difficult for scholars io explain the many cases where shaykhs do not appear to strictly follow the ideal of separation from worldly power. Citing ar incident in v/hich Bãbâ Fand utilized his influence with Sultan Ghiyás al-Din Balban to secure employment for an acquaintance, Nizami writes, "lt was not the Shaikh's practice to wÌite recommendatory letters to rulers or officials but when tlre person insisted, he wrote to Balban.'{9 He dismisses these kinds of narratives as a consequence of the helplessness of the shaykh in the face of the sheer power of the sultar The persistence of this view has, in a general way, obscured the importa¡t ways Suû shaykhs, including the Chishti shaykhs, were deeply immersed in the political currents oftheir day, whether they chose to be or not. The ideal, or in this case failure, of the world-renouncing Sufi shaykh was clearly picked up in ar interesting way in history writing. One paradignatic example is Barani's carefully craft€d na¡rative of the liie and death of the Sut shaykh Sid Muwallih. This story illustrates the way public statements, ofthe kind made by Bãbã FanI, become an interpretive framework for the understanding of history at least in the hands ofthe historian. STdi Muwallih lived during the time of transition from the dynasty established by Balban and that initiated by Jalãl al-Drn Fuäz Shãh.50 In the aftermath of the overthrow of Balban's successors, allegiances in the royal court remained divided, as would have frequently been the case with any dynastic change. One judge, QãzI Jalãl Kãshãn! had taken up a rebellious attitude toward the new d¡masty and along with the sons ofBalban, who had beerì left without omce, hatched a plot to overtlìro'ñ/ Jalãl al-DÏn These men were regulars at the hospice (kåanaqa&) of SidI Muwallih. There they devised a scheme to kill Jalãl al-Din and have SÌdT Muwallih succeed to the tbrone. Unforhmately for them, their plarr was uncovered before they could see it to fruition. Those involved in the conspiacy were given varying degrees of punishment. However, a special end was reserved for Sid Muwallih: he was trampled to deatï under the feet of an elephant.5 I There are maly questions that arise when confronting this narative that carì only be answered by digging somewhat deeper. One key to understanding Baruru's nanative ofsidi Mu\¡r'allih's demise comes a few pages earliq where he documents a prescient and foreshadowing encounter between Bãbã Fadd and Sidi Muwallih. In this meeting Bâbã Fand is said to have advised Sidi Muwallih to go to Delhi, but with an ominous caveat. He wamed Sid Mu\ryalllh, "Do not mix (ikhtilãt) with kings and emirs (muluk va umara). Imagine their coming and going to your house as a deadly place to inhabit; every dervish who has mixed with kings and emin has come to a disastrous end."52 How Bafa - was able to document verbatim the advice ofBãbã Fanl is a¡other matter entirely, but Bararù-'s main pu4rose in narrating the events above was not merely to record court intrigue and conspiracy. Rather, he cralìed his na¡rative ofthe execution of Sidi Muwallih as a didactic tale to illustrate the dangers waiting for Sufi religious leaders who involve themselves too closely in the affairs of the couf. For Barani the transgression of the Sufl shaykh and the punishment issued by the Sultan disrupted the natu¡al order of the world. Following Sfdi Muwallih's death Baram narates how the skies tumed black and drought and famine spread through the land.53 Narratives of legitimation Though it was cefainly not Barani's pu4rose in telling this story it is clear that Sufl shaykhs were not imrnune to the allure of worldly affairs. It is also clear that sultans recognized the popularity of cefain Suû shaykhs and were prepared to deal with them harshly if they entered too deeply into their power politics. In contrast to either the portrait ofthe aloofSufl shaykh preoccupied with meditation and devotion to God or conversely the Sufi shaykh who fails to follow that policy and pays the price with his life, there are a number of narratives that depict a stronger a.nd more positive involvement ofSufi leaders in the political currents of the day. For instarice, it is said that the Chishti shaykh, Naç-rr al-Drn Mabmüd Chirãgh-i Dihli, accompanied Fnäz Shãh Tughluq on his Sindh campaign, sometime around the year 76211361.54 It is also said that the same shaykh corresponded with Frräz Shãh during the time he ascended the throne following the death of Muhammad b. Tûghluq. ln that correspondence Nas-u al-D-rn Mahmüd inquired of Frrüz Shãh what kind of ruler he intended to be. When F-rrüz Shãh responded that he would be clement and tolerant, the shaykh confered his blessing and predicted that he would reign for fort¡r yea¡s.55 Needless to say, Naç-u al-D-rn's prediction came true. There are a plethora of nanatives that detail the occasions that Sufi shaykhs provided their blessings to Muslim rulers who then succeeded to positions of power and authority. Omid Saû has referred to these as 'firãsat desigtnlng narratives," noting their prevalence in historical writings from the Se.juk period.56 26 Intersections between Sufrsm and power 27 Blqin H. Auer It general, firasal refers to one of the Sufi shaykh's mawels of knowledge (karãmat), their ability to predict the future.s7 This spiritual quality is often associated with a mysterious and urmamed figure who, in the Qur'adc telling, led Moses on a mystical joumey. This figure was later identified with the legends of Khi{r. In the speciflc context ofthe interaction between Suû shaykhs and sultans, frãsal refeß to the sagacity and discernment of Sufi shaykhs to recognize the qualities and regal character of fledgling rulers bound for greatness. There a¡e scores of t^Ies ofrtrqsal ftomthe Delhi Sultanate. One ofthe earliest comes in tÏe writings of Minhãj Sirãj Jäzjãni. JuzjAnI was a courtier and high ofûce holder under the Ghurid sultans during the waning years of their imperial fortunes.5s Subsequently, he had an un¡ivalled ca¡eer in the service of Iltutmish ancl his progeny. Jüzjãn achieved status at court through appointments by Iltutmish and arowtd 63911241 he was raised to the level of chief judge (qazî al-qu1qt)by rhe then sultan of Delhi, Mu'izz al-Din Bal[ãm Shãh (r. 637-9l 124V2). Jtrzjarn was judge and court official ûrst before he was a historian. In fact, no court historian survived on his literary exploits alone. Those individuals who chose to wdte history were deeply entangled with the goals and objectives of the sultans they sewed. History was not just the observations and recordings of independent scholars with an eye to detail. It was an activity of courtiers whose fortunes and livelihood depended upon the success ofthe dynasties that were ûte subject of their writings. In his seminal history ofthe eady Delhi Sultanate period, the Tabaqqt-i Nõsirl' Jüzjani documents a special tale about an encounter between tle young Iltutrnish and a wandering dervish, a tale reportedly told by the sultan himself. As a boy Iltutrnish had been sold into slavery by members of his own family and was purchased by the ¡adr- ijahan ofB'Ã<hara.se One dây, when lltutmish was growing up in the household of the sadr-i iahãn, he was given a gold coin and sent out on a market errard. On the way to the bazaar Iltutrish lost the coin. When he realized his mistake he began to cry A d€rvish noticed the dejected boy, and taking hirn into his care, purchased the goods he needed and made him a promise ('a&d). He said "When you achieve royal power (daulat wa-mulk) shovr' rcspect to those who have chosen a life of poverty (fuqarã) and the people of goodness (aål al-khayr). Give themrheir ùse (þaqq);'60Iltutmish says that he made this promise a¡d attributed his success as a ruler to tìe favor of that dervish' Whatever the veracity of this tale, it provides strong evidence for how this sulta.n wished to be perceived in terms of his piety. It shows that lltutnrish benefited from his association with the mysterious religious figure who legitimated his authority by recognizing his destiny as a mler ofmen. Firasat-designating tales continued to be common in history writing of the Delhi Sulta.nate. Another importånt example ofthese kinds ofnarratives comes in the Tõnkh-i F-trúz Shaåt of Shams al-Din 'Afifo. 75711356). The Tarlkh-i F-truz Såa7f is dedicated to Frrúz Shãh Tughluq. Like Jüzjan! 'Afif served in the courts ofsultans and, like Jäzjãni and Barafl-, 'Afrfreceived his position in court through his family's influence: his father held the appointment of nightkeeper of the imperial guard (shab nwls-i khava$an) and served in the imperial revenue minislry ([tvãn-i vizarat). He was also closely connected with Sufi circles and he mentions by name his Sul shaykh, När al-D-rn, tÏe son and successor of Qulb al-Din Munawar (d. 75711356) within the Chishtiyya order.ór 'Afrf's "history" fits squarely within the manaqib genre. As Peter Hardy noted in his study of this text, it was unusual for the manaqib genre to be applied to sulta$ during this period of the Delhi Sultanate. He took this as an "indication of the strong ¡rlf undertones of medieval Indo-Muslim historical wdting."62 In his introduction to the Tõríkh-i F-truz Shãhî, 'Afif produces a frãsatdesignating nanative that foretells Frrúz Shãh's future as a sultar of Delhi. Fr¡üz Shah was said to be in the company of GhiyãË al-D1n Balban, futule Sultan of Delhi but then govemor of Dipalpur, as well as M"trammad b. Tughluq, who was still in his youth. During theh tlavels together they went to meet with 'Alã' al-Din Mawj-i Daryã. In their meeting, the Shaykh laid out a bolt offne cloth, which he proceeded to divide amongst them. He gave four and one-half yards to Balban, twenty-seven yards to Muhammad b. Tughluq, and forty yards to Flruz Shãh, each length ofcloth corresponding to the reign ofeach sulta¡. The Shaykh then declared that €ach of them would become "possessor of crown and throne" þ-Abib-i taj vq takht).63 Following on from this story 'Afrftells tfuee otherfirãsa1designating tales, each from a different shaykh at different points in Füüz Shãh's life. F dsar-desþating tales were as conmon to the genres of Sufi biographies and they were to history $'riting, though they served a different purpose. For instance, Amlr Hasan relates at aßcolurtt ir lhe Fqvq'id al-Fu'ødthal says lltutmish was acquainted with 'Umar al-Sulrawardî and Awhad al-Dïn Kirrnãni (d. ca. 63511237) and that one of them recognized Iltutmish's destiny to rule and said to him during one oftheir meetings, "You will be king!'4 When read through the eyes of the.Føvã'id al-Fu'ãd,Ilít1lrî1sh's designation tale is really a commentary on the power of Sufi shaykhs to appoint God's chosen to positions of power within the Muslim community. These kinds of stories are at the very crux ofthe debates about the relationship between Sufr shaykhs arrd sultans. Each is a story tlat works in two directions. When told from the perspective ofhistory the story's primary goal is to establish a sultan's destiny to become king. It shows that his trajectory of power was not llre consequence of a raridom series of events, but a fulfillment of a divinç plan. At the same time the story legitimates the sultan's authority, it also recogn2es the power of tle dervish io discern the future. This is the primary thrust of these narratives as they appear in Sufi biogaphies arìd the sayings ofthe shaykhs. These nanatives indicate t¡e power ofthe shaykh to appoint those who bear the marks ofdivine rule. It confrms the role ofSufi shaykhs as the makers ofdestiny and as vehicles for the hand of God on earth. t¡e conversations of shaykhs as The metamorphosis ofthe shaykh and the sultan By the eightVfourteenth century it is possible to observe a confluence ofimages thatjoined the ûgwes ofthe Sufl shaykh and sulta¡. A number ofauthors ftom this 28 Intersections between Suftsm and power 29 Blain H. Auer of shaykhs" (sal¡ãz viewed the biographers and historians that is one indication àl-masha'¡kh).65It Indeed, throne' held the the shaykh at which ofcout a kind as Svfr khõnaqah those resembled the shaykh position of the surrounding th; activities some of (bay'a) a was allegiance oath of The his court. sultan and the around created and in circles both Sufi in allegiances networls of ofeslablishing means common Muslim royal courts. The conferring of Suû robes (Èålr4a) resembled the gifting ofrobes oihonor (fråilc ) that was so common in the circles ofthe sultan'6 In addition to the manner in which shaykhs axe depicted as having influence over sultans, and even referred to as sultars, there are many ways sulta'ns are depicted as shaykhs. In fact, fiom the early Sultanate period onward sultans were period refer to Ni7ãm al-Din Awliyã' as the "sultan qwliya) Tttls viãwed as possessing the "attributes ofthe friends ofGod" (øwsíf-i Mabmüd patron, Nãçir al-Din of his teatnent literary was the ctse ofJü4ãni's to a evolved representation kind of this ceníry Shãh.67 By the eightb/fourteenth for resewed pious imagery the possible to use had become new degree entirely. It in manner in the This is exempliûed to sultans. shaykhÀ and apply it dilectly 'Afrf Júzjanr-, than much further went 'Afif Fnäz Shãh. the irnage of crafted whi;h who said his patron possessed the qualities of Sufr shaykhs. 'Afrf said of Ftrtiz Shah that he was "onã of the füends of Got' Qald az awliya'-i Allãh)'68 Tltrs was certainly a radical departue ftom previous literary hadition. The most illustrative example of the ma¡rer in which sultans become Suû shaykhs is the narrative ofFrruz Shãh's failed conquest ofThattq the capital ofa regional kingdom in Sindh. Thatta was ruled by the Samma dynasty, which had achieved a degree ofautonomy in the early years ofFrrúz Shãh's reign Attempting to rectiry this situation and bdng the Sindhi province back under t}te inîuence of Oellri, fr¡uz Shãh led a military campaign to the region tn 7 6711365-6'6e His efforts were a failure, as he encountered much stronger resistance than anticipated, and he w¿s forced to withdraw ard lead a retreat of his forces into the vast wastelard ofthe Ra¡n ofKutch. Trapped in an infemal desert, his troops suffered from a lack of water and food, which led to a number of deaths and desertions within the ranks ofhis men. Faced with this dire situation, and with seerningly no hope for suwival, 'Afrf writes that !-rruz Shãh entered into meditative seclusion (khalva). Khølva ts a technical term utilized in Sufr circles and it refers to one of the major spiritual endeavors of Sufi practitionels, seclusion utilized to bing one's attention closer to God by removing the distraclions ofthe wo¡1d.70 'Afif details the following plea, as if velbatim, from the sultan while in seclusion: O God, send the rain of mercy out of ttre blessing of the merit of someone in the army, he who is ofthe rank of the people ofholiness; deliver [us] out of this desolate land tb¡ough the blessings ofhis merit and the grandeur ofthe dust ofhis feet!7r Following this prayer, 'Afifsays that the skies clouded over and it rained tlre "rain of mercy" (barqn-i rqþna), and this was due to the "blessing of the prayer ofthe svlf t' (barqkot-i du'a-yi sullAn).12 This marvelous ability ofthe sufta¡ was then equated to a story ofthe famous Sufl shaykh Dhü 'l-Nùn Miçri (180-245/79G 860), who was also reported to have brought rain to the earth during a time when Eg)?t was experiencing a severe drought. 'Afìf says that he found this story in Fa¡îd al-Din ' Afrü's Tazkirat al-awlþa'. 'fl'rus, the sultan is said to possess the marvelovspower (k(trama) that is the very definition and source ofa Sut shaykh's charismatic authority. It is very telling, in this final example, when the historian reveals that he derived his image ofthe sultan from the most famous work on Sufi shaykhs ever produced. These nanativ€s, and many others, testifu to the increasing influence that the literary models of Suû shaykhs had on the image-maldng endeavors of court historians during the eighth/fourteenth century. The images of the Sufi shaykh's bqrokql, kqramal,his powers offrasat, the ritual dimensions ofreligious practice in khalva, and.faqr ptoúrced. in the Sufi biographies and conversations had now penetrated the sphere ofthe history of sulta$. Similarly, the authority inherent in tle sovereign office of the sulta¡ as society's ca¡etaker a¡d ruler was likewise tansferred to the ûgure of the Suû shaykh. The interpenetration ofthe genres of historiography, biography, and the conversations of shaykhs was a consequence of a new social dynamic of court patronage and the evolution of literary cultue in the Delhi Sultanate. Notes I 2 3 4 5 6 Needless 1o say, the term interúextuality has a complex and contested history For aû ove¡viçw see the inaoduction to J. Clalton and E. Rothst€in (eds\, Infiuence ønd Inlertextuality in Literary Hísiory (Medisont, University of Wisconsi¡r Press, 1991), pp. 3-36. For a critique ofthe ¡eceived deñnition ofthis t€rm see W. Irwin, 'Against Intf,rtexbtality," Philosoplry and Literature,2S,2 Q004), W.227a2. I am usiûg the term to describe Ρe genealogy of literary images and the various modes of liúe¡ary influerces that go into the making ofthe flgures ofthe Sufl shaykh and sullan, Y.J . ComeII, Realm oÍ the Saint: Powet and Authority ín Morcccal¡ Srlstu (Aùstin: University ofTexas Press, 1998), p. 63. Comell has tak€n his cue from Michel Foucault, who saw discourse as a relationship betwee[ powû and knowledge; see The Archaeologt of Knowledge (New Yo¡k: Pantheon, 1972). The qualities ofthat sanctity are discussed in F. Dermy, "'God's Friends:'The Sanctity of Persons in Islam," in R. Kieckhefer aûd G.D. Bolld (eds), Sainthood: Its Mandestatioß in World Religions @etkeley: Utriversity of Califomia Press, 1988), pp.69 97. The history of this disput¿tioû is amply demomtrated in a number of irsightful a¡ticles collected in F. De Jong and B. Radtke (eds), 1s,larøic Mysticísm Contested: Thirteen Centuries oÍConrroversies and Polerzics (Leiden: Brill, 1999). Historians have also thought of the Delhi Sultanate as beginning in 588/1192 when Mu'izz al-Diû Muþammad b. Sãm (r. 569 4\2/ll?3 1206) conque¡ed Delhi. Of course, origins are difñcult to precisely hace. Sunil Kuma¡ acknowledges the evolvirg historical p¡ocesses that went into the making of the Delhi Sultanate. He titled his political history of the pe¡iod utilizing the evocative word "emergence," indicating a process of consolidating authority in Delhi that took place over a period ofa hnndred years. See S. Kuma4 The Emergence ofthe Delhi Suhøndte 1192 1286 (New Delhi: Permanent Blaclq 2007), pp. 3 {. 30 Blain H. Auer arc deeply tied ?' cluestiots conceminq relations betweet Sufi shaykhs and sultans orders Schola¡s tì t-h" *ã..,^¿,ng"of the origins and institutionalization of Sufl the Chishtilya of ¡ise to the led tlìat causes histõrical l"rl-f*" .ã"*rtt i¡t ttre at lcast' consensus ã¿ in Su¡åwar¿-irrya g on Mu ln al-Dîn ChishtÍ from his lifetime' Everything l(1lown " ìftJ" ut "o .o*ces ftom wdtings beg¡nning at lçast a ce¡n¡ry after his death lor examfti- "o-". pies ofsome ofthe "ril s:¡,ír" 21 difficultie; invólved in interpreling lhese sources sj'e PM Curie' of Mu'ln al-Dín chßhi of Ainer (Delhi: oxford Universitv "ilòrn 22 23 24 s'il"^t'lirúitrínl¿/¡r,A.S.Usha(ed.)(Madras:UniversitY^ofMa&a-s'1948)'p466' suh¡awardi and His Suçcesso¡s: spiritual (Jaip.Jtr" @ds), Islamic Heritage in South Asian Subcontinent ""d-ä.-itddtdt prUfi-tion S"ftå-"ì fSÓ.8), pp. lS-aS; anã the next chapter in the p:resent voh¡me' saying For instance, K.A. Nizami \ì;ites ofthe influence of Bahã al-Dîn Zakariyyã :tf!--¡"fD"¿ iltu*¡.¡ tooz 33/1210-35) in establishing his hold over MulFn and rtte honori6c title of S,/¡ oykh at-tstan"' Tltis. opinion is based on ,"""pr",í K.A. Nizami, "Baha' ât-oin zakuriyya," in The Encyclopaedía s"e *u"ä luæ, "ou.""". Edition ( Leideû: E.J. Brill. 1954 2004; hereaner EI2l, vol' l' p' 912 ;f ßhn. New ãJ"rã¿i. z"t"ty" ll'' ft". ft- l z- 26 "i see-K.A Nizami, Supplement to Elliot & ",¡" õ"ifti S"f,itu" ila¡", ät.-iti in" rna¡x and the TughtiÇs @elbi: Idarah-i Adabivat-i Delli' 1981)' 29 pp.92 30 [i*:.m.ui"fy, considçring the valuc of this text to the understanding of Sufism in ih" eighth/f;ufieenth century therc axe Yery few studies d€dicated to it' sáJh Reference to Koshaf-ulSee M.H. Siddiqui,T e Memoirs of Sufu Written in Ind¡a: siy*-ui'eaiyø and Siyatul-Àrifn @aroda: Maharaja Sayajirao Universitv Press, 1979), PP. 56_81. ófï nu-ler of these works see KA Nizami' on Hßtory f+ ' fã. " u¡"¡.nru"y -¡rdia (Ne\v Delhi: Munshinm Manoharlal' 1983)' oi M"di*ol ira nxìiì¡t^ s "fO l7 '' A Unique but Less K¡ovn maltuz of Shaikh Nizam4 (1993), pp 37 5l Indo-Itanica,46,l AuJ$a," u'd-Din -Uu-iJ Shaykh- Naçtr al-Dîn S"" ö"fan da:, Khayr al-maialis: a\iEat-i ,ha'rat.--¡ utnlilcniaen-¡ ó¡¡ti, k ¡.N¡nr¡j (€d.) iAligarh: Shu'bah-vi Tán-kh-i Muslim Ñi--i, "¡*--i-Nizami Yünîva¡si1í" I 959). pe¡mutaAn instruiúve article which t¡aces the Dineteenth- and twentieth-centuÐ/ to historiogin opposition seen to be it came how and ii".r ãiift" t".- hagiography iifshitz, "leyonarositivism-and Gen¡e: 'Hagiographical' u" r"t"¿ï î -pîyï- fA 'rs -' Texts as Historical Nanarive," narct-2511994),pp' 95-l l4' ie;-ð.W. n..st, ¡r, tnal Gaíden: Mysticßm, History and Politics al a South Asian pSuf Center (Albarry,l'IY: Stâte Univeßity ofNew York Prcss' 1992)' 88. rií. fu-o". it.o." histo¡ical wo¡k is the Kf æa'in at-futuþ dedicated to the victories of tit" rult- 'Áfa' ur-Din Muhammad Shãh (r 695 7i5l1296 1316) For poetic historiS".if Sharma, "Amir Khusraw and the cenre ofHistorical NårrÂtives *timg" """ "ui ii'v.tnj: co^p*"tive Sndies of South Asia, AÍtica and the Middle East' 22' l&2 (2002), pp. 20 -- 3l ll2 8. ior a íirwey or ae early sources on this famor¡s ¡€lationship see N A Faruqi' "Amü. KÌt".."rv in the P."."nc" of his M€ntor Had¡at Ni?ãm al-Din Awliya"' Hamdad Islanicus, l 6, 2 (1993), PP. 5 24 the Ziyá' Heaû,B.LawrcÍce (trans.) (New York: Paulist Press, 1992),p.46. al-D-rn Barun, Tãrlkh-i Fîntz Sh¡ãr¡i S.A. K-tran (ed.) (Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1862), p. 360. Ibid., p. 396. For a fuller treatmert of the intense conflicts that arcse between Qutb al-Drn Muba¡ak Sbãh, his successor Ghiyãg al-Din Tughluq, and Ni?am al-Din see S. Digby, '"The Sufr Shaykh a¡d the Sulta¡: A Co¡lict of Claims to Authority in India see K.A. Nizalni, "Some Aspects ÌMedie]"al India," Studia Is lanica, 8 (1951), pp. 5149. of Khãnqah Life in See AûÌir Hasan Sljñ, Føva'id al-fu'õd (Lahore: Malik Sirãj al-Diû 1966), p. 171. Naqdãnd also stJggests an "annual stipend' indicatt€ to an even geater extent court R. Islam, Suftsm in South Asia: Impact on Fourleenth Century Muslim Society (Oxford: Oxford Univeßity P¡ess, 2002), pp. 87 150. See R.W. Bulliet, "The Shaikh Al-Islam and the Evolution oflslamic Society," Slrzdia Islømíca, 35 (1972), p. 56. He derives this idea from Ishtiaq Hudain Qureshi, on which see idem, The Admínístrqtíon of the Suhanote of Delhi,2nó, revised edn (Laho¡e: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1944), pp. 190-1. For both incidents see lbn Ba[fúta, Ríblat lba Ba!îùta (Bei¡ut: Dtu $ãdir, l96a), p.439. 32 Ibid., p.410. 33 R.M. Eaton, "The Political and Religious Authority ofthe Shrine ofBaba Fari4" in idem (ed.), Indíø\ Islaníc Tlãditions, 711 1750 (New Delhi: Oxford University pp. 163 97. 'liÀ. lor "forgery" (ed,.), patronag€. ñ; ^àn¡it. ofBaroda as a Medieval India," Iran,28 (1990), pp.724. 28 116. wolk 21 Oí the khanaqah iî *lnlerdisc¡plinary f¡ '- r 25 - on"*¡"* ofa host ofbiographical genres see M Hermansen' eoo.ou"¡". to t.lam¡c Biog¿pÉic;l Mat"nds," R"tigion' 18(1988)'pp 16l-82 For produced dwing [i*i ."-"v ¡iograihiès and conversations of sufi shaykhs Dowson's Hßtory oÍ Ëo. See B. Lawrcnce, "Afzal-ul-Fawa'id - A Reassessment," in Life, Tìmes & Worl<s of Amît Khusrau Dehlaví Q{ew Delbi: Natioml Am-r¡ Khusrau Society, 1975), pp. 119 31. See Amû Hasan Sijzl, Dlvan-i Amlr Hasa S¡jzî Dihlaw, J. Nargis (ed.) @elhi: Intishãrat-i Hasrat MühaniFã'undîshaû, 2004). See LH. Siddiqui, "HamId Kalaûdar," in EI2, suppl. 5 4,pp.3523. B¡uce l¿wrence b€lieves that in addition to his contributions to history wdtirg a¡d advice literatule Bara wlot€ a collection of sayings ofNi?ãm al-Dîû. The work is fitled Hasrat-nãma and is only available in a fragnent preserved in the Siar al-øwlíyã'. See th€ introduction to Amir I.{asan Sijzi, ly'izaø aùdin Awlþa: Morals the Press, 1989), PP. 2G55. a¡e no sources on Bahã' al-Dîn fiom his lifetime For an tò - " rirc Ir,lo'¡n ¡-n¡t thete siddiqui' "shaikh ;;;;; ãt m ti¡" as it is received iû later works see I HPrcûle"' i¡ A Nazir See Amr Khus6v, Afzal al-fava'id (Delhi: Matba'-i Ri¿vr, 1305/1887). The attribution of this wo¡k to Aa-lr Klusraw has been disputed. B¡uce Lawrence views Z. Aj¡sari South Asia, but with little success, or ofooinion. uUãot Intersections between Sufrsm end power 3\ 34 35 36 37 Press,2003), p. 208. A.N. Khan, "The Mausoleum of Saib '41ã' al-Drn at Pãkpattan (Punj ãb): A Significant Example of the Tugluq Style of Architecture," East ønd West,24, pp.3ll-26. 39 (19'14), See R.M. Eaton, Surts oÍBijryuL 1300 1700: Social Roles ofSufts in Medíeval India (Pdnceúon: Princelon Unive$ity Pr€ss, 19'78), p. 45, Ibid., p. 33. For a document of the moûumerrts €rccted by the Ghurid sultans at Chisht see Blai¡, "The Madrasa at Zuzan: Islamic Architecíüe in Eastem Ira¡ on th€ Eve of the Mongol Invasiors," Muqanas,3 (1985), pp. 81 4. For an image ofthe madrasa and mosque built at Chishq as well as a discussion on Frtüzküh, see C.E. Bosworth, "Ghü¡id," in -t12, vol. 2, pp. 1099 1104. For aû ove¡view of th€ importarce of th€ religious history of this ¡egion and the comections b€tween Suñ shaykhs and sultans see L.G. Potúet "Sufis aûd Sultans in Post-Mongol lran," lranian Studies,21,14 (1994), pp.77 lO2. See S. Kumar, "Assertions of Authority: A Study of the Discursive Statements of Two Sultans of Delhi," in M. Alam, F.'N'. Delvoye and M. Gaborieau (eds), låe Making of Indo-Persíøn Culture: Indian and Frencå Sradies (New Delhi: Manohar, S.S. 38 34 2000), p. 39. 32 Blqin H. Auer 40 K.A. Nizami, "Eaxly Indo-Muslim Mystics and their Attitude towa¡ds tìe State," Islamic Cuhurc,22 (1948), pp. 387-98; 23 (1949), Pp l3¿1, 162:70,312-24:,24 41 42 43 44 45 46 (1950), pp.60 71. See K.A. Nizami, Religion and Polítics in India during the Thirteenth Century'îew revised edn (New Delhi: oxford University Press,20o2), pp. 255-6. After that of K.A. Nizami, this artiçle is the most frequently cited in support of this idea. See A. Ahmad, "The Sufl and the Sultan in P¡e-Mughal Muslim lndi4" (1963), pp. 142-53. Der Islam, 38, As quot€d fiom the Siyar øl-ttwliya' i¡,r.Nizami, Religion and Politics, p.258 See C. Geertz,Islam Obsened: Religious Development in Morocco and Inlonesia (Chicago: Unive¡sity ofChicago Press, 19?1), pp. 33-5. L. Kinbe¡g, "WhøtisMeñtby Zuhd," Sndia Islamica,6l (1985), pp.2744 This apothegm plays off the Arabic root mJ-k, ftom which is also derived the l) (malþ urd royal power (nulk). See H,tjvin, Kashf al-naþjub' VA. Zhukovskii (ed.) (Tehran: Tahurl, 1381 sh.), p. 42 (tr' 37). See ibid., pp. 2134. Also see al-Qushayt, ful-Rís^ld al-øushøyriyya f iln øl-taqawwuj M. 'Abd al-Rahma¡ Mar'ashli (€d.) (Beirul Da¡ lhyã' al-Turãth words for king 47 48 al-'A¡ab¡" 1998), pp. 345 55. See D. Epbrat, "I¡l Quest of an Ideal T}?e of Saht: Som€ Observations on the F st Ceneration of Mo¡oc cal. Awlíyí' Allah iî Kíiab 4l-tashawwuÍ," Studia Islamica,94 (2002), p. 7 4. 49 50 5l See Nizami, Religion and Politics, p. 259. Nizami provides the full text of Bãba FaÌÎd's letúer from the Siyar al-awliyã' n an appendix to his lMork. For furthe¡ histo¡ical background to these evetts see P. Jackson, The Delhi Subanare: A Political and Mílitary History (Canbndge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), p. 83. Èor the entirety of this narrative see Ziyã' al-Din Barani Tartkh-i F"trúz Shahl, pp210-12. For a fuller teafinent ofthe sources on SrdI Muwallih and the Muwallihãn, the "lamenteß," a group of Suñ dervishes for which Srdr Muwallih was likely the main shaykh, see S. Digby, "Qalandaß aûd Related Groups: Elem€nts of Social Devia¡ce in the Religious Life ofthe Delhi Sultanate ofthe Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuri€s," in Y Fri€dmann (ed.), Islam ín Asia, vol. l, South Asiø (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984),pp.60 108. Also see Islarr', Suftsm in South Asia,pp.298-30'7 52 Bã¡añ, Ta.nkh-i F-trúz Shahî,p.209. 53 lbid.,p.212. 54 Shami Silãj 'Afif, Tarlkh-i Fîrûz Shaht, V Husa)'n (ed.) (Calcutta: Asiatic 55 56 57 58 59 Society, 1888), pp. 29, 82. lbid., p. 29. See O. Safr, The Politics of Knowledge in Plemodern Islam: Negoti^Íing ldeology and Religious Inquiry (Chapel Hill, NC: Uûiversity of North CaroÌina Press, 2006), p. 129. Some interesting examples ofthis speciaJfir^at eblliry axe cited in J. Renard, Frier¿¿t ofGod: Islamic Images ofPiely, Commih ent, andservanthood(Berkeley: Univeßity of Califomia Press,2008), pp. 112-15. For some biographical details oû Jüzj äûi's life see Nizami, Or, lli,t tory and Histolians, pp. 76-80. iltutmish's slavery tale is an important social document from a time when it was quite common fo¡ rion-Muslim Celtral Asian Tu*s to b€ sold into a bu¡geoniûg slave t¡ade. For an overview ofthe subject as it impacted the subcontinent see P Jackson, "Turkish Slaves on Islam's Indian Frontier," in I. Chatterjee afld R.M. Eatoû (eds), Slavery & South Asian ¡1istoli/ (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2006), pp. 60 63 82. Minhãj Sûãj Júzjâni, TabdqdTi Nâ¡ír|,2nd edû,2 vols, 'Abd al-flayy flabibÍ (ed.) (Kabul: Anjuman-i Tarfth-i Afghaûistan, 1342-3119624),vol.l, p. 442 (tr. 600). between sufism and power 33 6r, 62 Afif,Tankh-i Fîruz,*or,r.,rrtl'"'"""tions Hañy, Hktorians of Medieval India: Studíes in Indo-Muslim Hßtot¡cal WriÍíng (Londoû: Luzac, 1960), p. 41. ' Afrf, Tãrtkh-i F-truz Shãhí,W.27-8 (tt.39). P. 63 64 Sijn, Favã'íd al-fu'ad,p.358. 65 For a list ofthe titles associated with Ni?âm al-Din 66 see K.A. Nizami, The Lde and Times of Shaikh Nizøm-u'd-din Auliya (Delln: Ida.rah-i Ad¿byat-i Delli, l99l), pp. 1824. For traditions surrounding the Suf robe see J. Elias, "The Sufi Robe (Klirqa) as a Vehicle of Spiritual Auúority," in S. Gordon (ed.), Robes and Honor: The Medieyal World of Investitute (New York: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 275-89, and for the history of cor¡¡tly robes ofhonu see G.R.G. Hambly, "From Baghdad ø Buklar4 from Ghaana toDelhi: The/r¿il a Ce¡enony in the Transmission ofKingly Pomp and Cirçumstance," inibid-,pp. 193-222. 67 lùzj:ü-\ Tabaqãr-i Nã;itt, \ol. 1,p. 477 68' Aftf, Tarlkj-í F trùz Shahî, pp. 22, 95.Fo1 a fuller t¡eatment . 69 70 of the ùansformation of the image ofthe sultaû hto the shaykh see B. Auer, "S),rnbols ofAuthority: Religion, Islamic Legitimacy, and Historiography of the SultaN ofDelhi" (PhD diss., Harvard Uriiversiry, 2009), pp. 142-9. Fol aû overview of this independent Muslim court see R. Islam, "The Rise of the Sammas in Sind," lslazr ic Culture,22 (1948), pp. 359 82. H. Landolt, "Khalwa," in El2,lr'ol,4,pp.990 1. Khalw<twastie subject ofan importa¡tworkbyNajm al-Dn Kubrã (540 617l1145 1220), on which see G. Böwering, "Kr¡bÉ's Trcahnent on Spidtual Retreat, '11 12 pp.'714. ' Afif, Tarîkh-i Ibid.,p.2t8. F-truz Shohr, W. 2l'l -18. À ßâla f 'l-khalwa," al-Abb^th, 54 QOO6'),