See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/40791945 International Migration and Local Development in Nepal ARTICLE in CONTRIBUTIONS TO NEPALESE STUDIES · JANUARY 2009 Source: OAI CITATIONS READS 10 426 1 AUTHOR: Hom Nath Gartaula The University of Winnipeg 25 PUBLICATIONS 53 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Available from: Hom Nath Gartaula Retrieved on: 05 February 2016 INTERNA TIONAL MIGRATION AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT IN NEPAL Hom Nath Gartaula Introd uction Migration and globalisalion are gradually breaking down the age-old boundaries between the countries. It has been rapidly changing the traditional spheres of human activity. The concept of 'global village' has become a reality. Fonnerly isolated towns and villages in the countryside of Asia have become closer to New York or London than to the capital of their own country. However, the situation of poverty that forced rural inhabitants to migrate in the first place still exists in their places of origin and continues 10 influence their lives and prospects in their "new countries", as well as those of the people they left behind. In the receiving societies, migration and development policies generally constitute separate policy domains. This has hampered the elaboration of effective policies that establish a more positive connection between migration and development (de Haas 2005). Migration is one of the three components of demography and population change. The changes in scale and pattern of migration have a great consequence in both areas of origin and destination; influences in social, economic, cultural, and political configuration of a society. When we talk about migration, we encounter a number of dichotomies that such as in·/ out·, rural/urban, temporary/pennanent, internal/international, voluntary/ forced etc. This sometimes creates difficulties to operational ize the concept. A general definition of migration is the movement of people from one place to another either temporarily or pennanently within the country and abroad (Skeldon 1997; Spaan 1999). Demographically, the basic fonn of migration is either in· or out-migration, which changes not only the population size but also the structure of population in both areas of origin and desti nation. In· migration stands for inward movement, white out-migration is the outward movement of people from a particular area. The paper aims 10 situate the existing trends and patterns of labour out-migration in Nepal and analyse its potential impacts in country's local development through a socioanthropological point of view. Migration takes place due to so many reasons such as conflict, political and social instability, economic incentives, and the like (de Haan 2000). Even than not for all reasons mentioned, the international migration motivated by economic reasons is a phenomenon that affects increasing number of people, Contributions to Nepalese Studies, Vol. 36, No. 1 (January 2009), 37-65 Copyright Cl 2009 CNASlTU 38 CNAS Journal, Vot 36, No. 1 (January 2009) households, and the communities worldwide. Many studies of Diasporas tend to focus on issues like identity and adjustment to their destination rather tha n the current and potential role in the development of their countries of origin (Hugo 2003). In other words, most migration studies have paid attention to the areas of destination, the migran ts themselves and what causes migration (de Haas 2005; Kabki 2007; Shrestha 1988). In the areas of origin, studies are mainly focused on the economic impacts of remittances at macro-level (Massey et al. 1993; Spaan 1999; Taylor et al. I 996a, 1996b). The complex relationship between out-migration and local development at the areas of origin is still scarce (Kothari 2003; Rodenburg 1993). Indeed, labour outmigration has diverse social, economic, and demographic consequences not only in the areas of destination but also in the areas of origin (Adger et al. 2002; Connell and Conway 2000; Skeldon 1997 ; Spaan 1999). Nepal is one of the least developed countries in the world. The census carried out in 2001 by the Central Bureau of Statistics (CaS) reported the country's total population as 23 million (CaS 2001) but the current estimation is about 27 million with per capita GDP about US$ 470 (CBS 2008). Nepal is a mountainous country situated on the lap of Himalayan range facing south towards the Plain of Ganges River. The country is small with 147 thousands sq. km. area landlocked between two ' gian ts', China and India. Agriculture remains a major source of li velihood where about 85 percent people depend on subsistence agriculture. Commercialization of agriculture is not so common. Tourism is also important due to its massive diversity in topography, altitude, climate. vegetation, people, and culture. Poveny, unemployment, declining natural resources, and country's experience of over a decade long political instabi lity are some of the main causes of the high rate of out.migration. Despite the fact that many social, cultural , economic, and political problems are interwoven with the process of both internal and international migration, it is the least researched and understood component of demographic dynamics in Nepal, as compared to other demographic variables like fertility and mortality (KC 2003a). For decades, Nepal is becoming a labour exporting country (Kaspar 2005; Seddon 2005; Seddon et al. 2002 ; Thicme and Wyss 2005; Yamanaka 2000). Currently, about 3 percent Nepalese live abroad for different purposes (Ca S 2001); many of them are temporary labour migrants. The National Living Standard Survey conducted by CBS estimated that the proportion of households receiving remittances has increased from 23 percent in \995-96 to 37 perccnt in 2003-04 (CBS 2004; Scddon et al. 2002). Since the rate of out-migration is increasing thi s proportion has also been in the increasing International Migration and Local Develo pment in Nepal 39 trend. The period coincides with the Maoist insurgency prevailed in the country (1996-2006) that also impelled rural youths to leave the villages. [t means. in addition to the sociocconomic motivation, Nepa[ese labour outmigration has been propelled by the pol itical instabi lity. It produced a considerab[e., number of contract workers abroad, which changed their livelihood trajectory and out-migration became part and parcel of lheir life. It is also worth noti ng that out-migration in Nepal is mostly Ira nsnational: India 77 percent, Gulf countries 15 percent and 8 percent to the rest of the wo rld (CBS 200 1). Migration to India has a longstanding history, while migration to the Gulf countries, Europe, or USA commenced about 15 years ago (Kollmair el al. 20(6). Out-migration has a significant importance in Nepalese society, which is characterized by enomlOUS social. economic, cultural, and politica l c hanges. In this paper, I look at the historical trend and pallerns of Ne palese outmigration and its possible consequences in the local de velopment of NepaL Gender as pect and remittance. the integral parts of labour out-migration will also be addressed in the paper. The data presented and arguments [ have made in this paper are mai nl y from secondary sources of in fomlation, particularly from CBS and Department of Labour and Employment Promotion ( DLEP). In addi tion, a short newspaper survey a nd information gathered from a preliminary field visit for my PhD research arc also incorporated to some extent. This paper tries to justify my own research on the impact of male out-migration in the areas of origin with a sodoanthropological focu s, which is being conducted in Jhapa di strict of eastern Nepal. In my research, I a m looking at the impact of labour out-migration on rood security and wellbeing of the people left behind. Thi s paper is organized in fi ve sections. With the background information on out-migration. conceptual issues and my justification to the paper have been desc ribed on this introduclOry section. In second section, I will prescnt my theoretical positioning bascd on a review of theoretical de velopme nt in migration research. Third sect ion illustrates the existi ng s ituation of out-migration particularly the intemational migration from Nepal. Data on history and trcnd, pattem or migration and its relationship with gender and remittances are the primary focus of this section. Fourth scction is devoted to the e mpirical and theoretical discussions where I have categorised my analysis in five sub-sections: remittances, povert y. and local development; urbani sation: labour reorganisat ion and changing gender roles: potential impacts on left-behind household members; and some theoretical discussions based on the earlier studies carried out in Nepal and abroad . • 40 CNAS Journal, Vol. 36, No. 1 (January 2009) Finally, fifth section concludes the paper based on the disc ussion [ have made in previous sections. Theoretica l frame .....ork The study of migration is by no means of an exclusive fiel d of demographers, but is also ta ken up by economists, political scientists, geographers, soc iologists and social anthropologists. The discipline speci fic pecul iarities can be discerned based on concepts, frames of reference, assumptions and the level of measurements adopted . They have produced a vasl body of empirical and theoretical literature on migration and labour circulation in the developing countries. This makes someti mes difficult to draw a coherent and linear theoretical develo pment. The development of migration theories can be categori zed into three broad groups such as individualistic approaches, stnJctural approaches and integrative approaches. However, these approaches focus on ·who migrates' and ' why migration occurs' types o f reasoning. 1 would like to take this as a point of departure to go further to find out the interconnec tcdness between migrants and their households back homc. More specificall y, I am interested to look into the relatio nshi p between migrants and the socio-cultural transformation in thei r homeland; the dynamic behaviour of the peoplc lell behind at home, in particular. Hence, what is relevant to Ihis paper is perhaps to find out the approac hes that can link migration with the places of origin and view migration as a process of interaction between two social sp<lces. Indh·idualis lic :l1)proachcs: Derived from the clllssical and neoclassical economic theories, the individualistic approac hes assumc individuals as Ihe prime deciders of migration process and focus on why people take a decision 10 migrate. The classical economic theories, also called functional and behavioural economic theories are based on modemization Iheory, where migration is viewed as free choice intended to maximize utili ty out of scarce resources (Shrestha 1988). The neoclassical theory of migration also emphasizes on the individual decision of migrants based on their rational choice in between the places of origin and desti natio n depending upon the wage differences, labour equi librium and income maximization (Massey et al. 1993; Spaan 1999). Moreover, Spaan ( 1999) ca lls this phenomenon as place uti li ty. "This type o f approach uses the individual as unit of analysis and basically explains migratiun in lenns of a rational-calculating and utility maximizing individual making a decision to migrate or not orllhe basis of an evalua tion of the areas International Migration and Local Development in Nepal 41 of origin and desti nation" (S paan 1999: 21-22). Hads and Todaro model of 'pu ll and push' factors of migration is one of the influential contributions in the neoclassical theory (See for instance, Massey et al. [993; Rodenburg [993 ; Taylor 1999). The surplus labour, scarce capital, population pressure and unem ployment situation in the sending area serves as push factor and scarce labour, surplus capital. high income and social amenities in the receiving area serves as pu ll fac tor where the individual makes a rational decisio n for maximizing income (Goss and Lindquist 1995; Massey et al. 1993; Spaan 1999). What is common in these two approaches is the focus on individuals. rational choice in between sending and receiving areas. These classical and neoclassical economic theories of migration are criticized as the perspective that is usually a histo ric and p:lys no :luention to the underlying structural force s which also affect the migration process, including the social, cultural and politic:l1 aspects of migration (Goss and Lindquist 1995; Masscy et al. 1993; Rodenburg 1993: Shrestha 1988: Taylor 1999: Taylor et al. I 996a). Spaall (1 999) argues that volu nteerism is not always the case and there is no free mobi lity of labour as assumed by the theory. These theories have given much emphasis on economic. objective and me:lsurablc factors, allegedly constituting the motivation of migration whereas more subjective factors such as curiosity and adventurism are overlooked (Skeldon 1997). Strucluralllpproachcs: In reaction to the fomler models of migration, a new perspectivc emerged encompassing (neo-) Marxist theories, Dependency theory and the World System perspective under the broad umbrella of 'political-economy" or 'hi storical-structural' perspective (Spaan 1999). The crux of this approach is that internal or international migration (or ci rculation) is not to be perceived as an isolated process but as a result of the process of historical socioeconomic transform:ltion. fueHed by capitalist development and accumulation in the centre and the (incomplete) penetration and subordination of pre-capitalist modes of production in the periphery (Massey Cl at. 1993; Rodenburg 1993: Shrestha 1988: Spaan 1999). Rodenburg ( 1993) funher illustrates that rather than seeing wages as positive inducements to move, Marxists consider the cash economy as an instrument to bind the migrants by deliberately creating such difTerentials in between two areas. The structural perspective views the migration process as a result of exploi tation orthe rural areas created by the wider capital forces through the onc-way flow of economic surplus. This takes a more negative view of 42 CNAS Journal. Vol. 36. No. 1 (January 2009) migration and point to inherent antagonistic forces and conflict between the de velo ped and developing world. '"Capitalist e xpansion will eventuall y result in ever increasing exploitation of the core over the periphcry, contributing to its underdevelopment. Migration from the periphery to the core will serve to reinforce this unequal relationship" (S paan 1999: 28). Integ rative al)proachcs: Other approac hes such as New Economics of Labour Migration, System Approach and Network Approach are considered under the category of integrative approaches. Thi s approach tries to overcome the previously theorised biased emphasis either on individuals or on macro level socio-economic and political structures. New economics of Labour Migration views migration not motivated by income maximization but motivated by minimizing risks of the households. '"Unlike individuals. households arc in a pos ition to control risks to their economic \\'ell-being by diversifying the allocation of household resources, such as fami ly labour. While some family members can be assigned economic ac tivi ties in the local economy. others may be sent to work in foreign labour markets where wages and employment conditions arc negatively correlated or weakly correlated with those in the local a rea" (Massey et al. 1993: 436). According to this perspcctive, labour migration is tl1l economic strategy made by the household to allocate its human resource rationally to increase the flows of income and to deercasc the scope of economic risks (Massey et al. 1993: McDowcll and de I·ban 1997). More reccntly livelihood perspective can also be included within this approach. As live lihood. in simplest term. is the wa ys and means of living (Chambers and Conway, 1992). the people slrategize their livelihoods by diversifying their liveli hood activi tics and social support capabilities not only to strugglc for survival but also to improve their standards of living (Ellis 1998, 2000). In this line. labour migration is one of thc livelihood diversi fication strategies undertakcn by thc households in thc cxpcctation of improved livelihoods ( McDowell and de 1·laan , 1997; Siddiqui. 2003: Thiemc and Wyss, 2005). McDowel1 (1997: 20) argues, '"Migration is oftcn perceived as an cxception to. or rupture of normal pall('rns of society. Instead. we argue for an unMrstanding of rI;ral development that takes migration as the ru le rather than the exc('ption". I·knec. '"international labour migration has been an inwgral part of the li velihood s tratcgics of th(' majority of pcople fo r m:lny gcnerations" {Thi(,llle and Wyss 2005 : 66). Theorctieal review above reveals that the developmcnt of migration theories and the persp('ctiws onto looking :It migr:lIion has be('n changing International Migration and Local Development in Nepal 43 over time. The convent ional approach of looking at migration as a product of exploitation. coercion, and deprivation and taking migration as a decision to look for more viable "'new" life does not work anymore. Researches have already shown that the poorest of the poor are often left behind in villages (de Ibas 2005). Furthennore, life-time migration as a fonn of pennanent migration is also changing to more temporary type of circular (contract) migration where individual family members migrate while others remain at home. This has become an important factor of socioeconomic transfonnation in Nepal in the recent years. This is particularly important in the context of international migration for work. which is quite different phenomenon as compared to in·country migration from l-l iIl to Terai or from rural areas to urban centres. Unfortunately. labour out-migration in Nepal has always been seen as a byproduct of a stagnant rural economy, to be eliminated by domestic economic development, particularly within the agricultural sector (Seddon et al. 2002). [t has never received an auention by policy-makers or researchers in spite of its significant contribution to the socio-cultural and economic Irnnsfonnation of rural Nepal. Recently, its importance is increasingly realized and the issue has been covered widely in both academics and policy-making (Gi ll 2003; KC 2003b; Lokshin et a1. 2007; Seddon et a1. 2002). The Government of Nepa l has also recognized its legislative role and involved in the process. International migration in Nepal History and trend : One of the big problems of research particularly in the developing countries like Nepal is the lack of availability, reliability and systematic publication of data and migration sector cannot be excluded from this situation. Hence. a detail analysis of migration phenomenon from the perspective of poverty. gender and development at various levels of spatial aggregation is difficult (KC 2003b). Even though the Government of Nepal started collecting data on migration since 1920 it was not accessible as published material. Kansakar (2003) repons that the population data published for the first lime in Nepal was in the Appendix of the speech made by Prime Minister Chandra Shumsher Jung Bahadur Rana in the booklet Maharaja C/ulIIdra Shamsher lung /Jalllldur Ralla's Aplum/ to the People of Nepal fOl" the E"m(lllcip(lfioll of S/OI'e and Abo/ilioll of S/lII'Cry ill fhe COIlmry in 1925. Another classic source of migration data was the Population Census of 1952/54 (Department of Statistics 1957 in Nepali. cited in Kansakar 2003). The report contains an analysis of different characteristics of the population of Nepal. Though Nepal has a census history of almosl a century. morc 44 CNAS Journal, Vo!. 36, No, 1 (January 2009) detailed accoun t of migration data we re made avai lable only after the census 1991. The census of 200 1 has a bit more detailed information, including a comprehensive account of the respective areas of destination, the purpose of migration (type of work the migrants cngaged in), and gender spec ific data including the population stmcture and so on. Nepalese labour out-migration is not a new phenomenon. Nepali migrant workers have been sendi ng their eamir:gs to their families for around 200 years (er. Adhikari 2006: er. Seddon et al. 2002), The first evidence of out-migration found in li terature is that in early nineteenth century, the first Nepalese men migrated to Lahore (in present day's Pakistan) to join the arm y of Sikh mler Ranjit Singh. Afterwards, both they and later migran ts arc termed as "Lahure" (cr. Thieme and Wyss 2005), Litera lly, the nickname failure is given to the people who join the anned force of India, [,long Kong, Singapore. United Kingdom. and so on; but it also designates people living abroad panicularly ha ving the wo rk ing class jobs. The distinction here is essential because people living abroad for study or working in the universities and 'big ' organizations like UN, FAO, and AD8 arc not necessarily called follllrcs. The labourers working in the working class jobs arc recently termed as 'New Lahurcs' (Seddon et al. 200 1). This is an indication of socioeconomic position of migrant households in Nepal. who goes where and who does what. Another metaphor used for Nepalese migrants working abroad is the GlIl'kh(u: panicularly known as the Ncpalese who work in Gurkha Regiment for British or Indian forces. After a war in the Gorklw area with the British East India Company (181 411 816), an increasing number of Gurkhas (mostly. but not exclusively from present-day Nepal) also joined the British Anny in India. starting a tradition Ihat continues today (cr. Seddon 2005). During the World War I and rL Gllrkhas were sent as counesy from Nepalese government to support allied force where they fought courageously and establ ished an image of "Gurkhas". Even to date Gurkhas as Nepal Annies and Police arc popularly recognized as good peace keeping force worldwide, somc examples arc thei r involvement in UN peace kecping force in Kosovo, Lebanon. Congo etc. In other words, Nepalese out-migration started from the history of NepaJi soldiers who joined forces of other countries though it was not well accou nted. With respec t to the census 1942. Kansakar (2003: 107) rcpons, '·The census seems to have not recorded the Nepali troops sent from Nepal in different fronts to assist the allied forces and might have been included only those who went abroad for livelihood". International Migration and local Development in Nepal 45 Nepal's international border with India and China remained almost open for the movement of people from both of her neighbours, With China, it becamc closed one aner 1950, while it has remained open with India to date with no restriction on the movement of people of both countries, Hence, becausc of open border, cultural simi larities, and no need of documentary evidence to show migration to and from India is pre-historic and even unaccounted. Throughout the 19'" century and well into the 20"', Nepalese men served in India, onen accompanied by their wives and other family members. As the Gllrkha settlements increased in number and size, they also attracted Nepali workers seeking civilian employment in India. The brOlhels developed in these ncw centres may well have included women from Nepal and from the surrounding areas (Seddon 2005). He further illustrates that the de velopment of tea estates in Assam and Darjeeling in India also increased the demand for labour, which resulted in a substantial increase in the number of both men and women workers from Nepal, ultimately increased the expatriate Nepali community in those areas. Data show that Nepal is witnessing an increasing trend of out-migration since 1942, the first year from which we have the infonnation. In this period of six decades, the migrated population reaches from 88 thousands in 1942 to more than a million in 2008. over 12-fold growth in an increasing ratc (Figure I). Not all persons represented by the figure mean the labour migration rather they are thc people absent at households during census period, which also include labour migrants. Because of data problem, we have to take the whole group of out-migrants into a si ngle category but they can be disaggregated into labour migrants. trnfficked pcopk, students, emigrnnts (under di versity visa [DV) program in USA, skilled manpower immigration program in UK, Canada. New Zealand, and Australia). Gurkhas. and the people working in diplomatic missions and NGOs. and so on. 46 CNAS Journal, Vol. 36, No, 1 (January 2009) "00 "00 "lOO " 800 600 '00 "'" 0 ,, ,,. , " 1952/5 • " "" ,'H ,'" """ 2008 ," "3 "" "" """ Figurc J: Trend of oUI -migration from 1942 102008 (in '000) (cr. Kansaka r 2003: Department of Labour 2008: UNSTAT 2008), Figure I shows that the growth was not so high until 198 1 but it took a bigger leap between the years 1981 and 1991. Thi s can be related to first popular movcment in 1990 Ihal restored democracy in Nepal. This actuated labour out-migration in two ways: a) democracy provided an increased access to information and opportunity, and also 10 frecdom and autonomy in dccisionmaking; b) the rcstored democracy could not solve the problem o f unemployme nt and people's expeo.:tation, which made them explore a beller opportun ity and go abroad. As 11 means of pull faclor could be the incTC3sed labou r demand from Gulf countries and other Asian countries where the economy was (and sti ll is) booming becausc OflhciT industrial dcvelopment. Another leap observed in the figurc is from 2001 to 2005. This corrcsponds wit h a period of political instability (the period of Maoist insurgency) and surprisingly increased dcvelopment of information technology Ihal made it easy for the people to access 10 infomlationl , This trend is ever increasing. A very recent figuTC of DLEP shows Ih31 the size of Nep31csc labour force in the year 2007/08 tOlalled 2 15.639 persons. an IIlcrcasc of 22.44 percent compared 10 the previous year (Kantipur 2008). IJatlcrns of migration: The Govcrnment of Nepal omcially opened ils door for cilizens to go abro..1d for work in late 1980s, Before that people used 10 work onl y in India because of open border and people did nOI have access 10 olher countries. Aficr having Itl bour tlgreemcnls wilh a number o f Gul f Stales International Migration and l ocal Development in Nepal 47 the number of migrant workers has increased substantially s ince 1996 with the increas ing demand every year. According to the population ccnsus 2001 , India remains to be the main recipient o f Nepalese migrant workers with about 600,000 migrants livi ng there. India is followed by the Gulf countries in aggregate (111,000) such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and so on. Other countries account for abou t 62,000 'epalcse migrants. Europe is sti ll not visible in tenns of Nepalese migrant population size and the proportion in other developed countries is also n{'gligible with respect to size ( Figure 2). Hong Kong Othe' countries 2% .% If1(I •• n% Figure 2: Country wise out-migrlllion rrom Nep.. l (ellS, 200 I). A slUdy carried OUl by Seddon et al. (2002) gives a good account of Nepalese workers living abroad especially in the West. They ill ustrate tha t there arc few Nepalese living and working in 'the West' and they send remittances back home. Many, particularly in North America. are professionals who live with thei r families. These arc predominantly of urban origin. According 10 their estimate for 1997, a total of 12.500 Nepali migrants "ere working in Europe and might be 2,500 in North America - making a total of around 15,000 in the West as a whole. The largest number of Nepalese in anyone country is in Oritain, with 3.600 (mai nl y Gurkhas) onicially registered and 8,000 unofficial workers. like" ise, in Japan. most of the estimaled 10,000plus Nepal i migrant workers are illegal (Seddon et a1. 2002: 24-25). If wc take Ollt India from the picture, Gulf becomes the pri me destination of Nepalese migrant workers. According to DlEP. Malaysia 48 CNAS Journal, Vo!. 36, No. 1 (January 2009) (36%) rema ins to be the largest recipien t as per the country-wise calc ulation till now (2008), whic h is followed by Qatar (29%). Kin gdom of Saudi Arabia (19%), and United Arab Emi rates ( 12%) and so on ( Figure 3). As mentioned above European and American countries arc still out of access for the Nepalese migrant worke rs. Clearly. onc should note that the data are entirely work-related migration. which does not include students. refugees. permanent em igranls. and the expatriates. South Korea. 6378 !-bng Kong. 421 0 Europe. 456 OIher countfles. OIher Gulf 8035 /'I.brth Arrerica. 354 African countries , 26693 countries , 105 UAE. 140976 M:llaysia, 417796 KSA. 221319 Qatar. 335087 Figure J; Country wise out-migration rrom Nepal excluding India ( DLEP.2008). It is also interesting 10 ohser\e that proba bl) because of open aecess 10 inform ation and impact of global ization the out-migration towards countries other than India is bc!ing inc reased. Previousl). people onl) had access 10 India because of a number o f reasons such as transpo n ation. informat ion. dem:mds from other countries. and Olher policies and go \'erning rules but gradually people arc mO\ ing to other countries in the world. Figure 4 shows that in 1981 about 93 percent of out-migrants wen t to India \\hile onl) 7 percent found their ｊ｣ ｾ ｬｩｮ｡ｴＨＱ＠ to othcr countries. The tendenc) of migrat ing to outside India kcpt on increasing and rcached 23 percent in 2001 \\hi le going tn India has been reduced to 77 percent in the same ) car. Intemational Migration and Local Development in Nepal 49 '00 < 0 "•" eo • I, • • • Indlo - '" 0 • l ! " •• '", OIh., count, ... • "" • "" Cen&UlI yea r • """ F'igurc 4: NCIJalese out-migration, India vs. other countries (Seddon et al 2002; CBS 2(01) On contrary to above calculation based on the cumulative country-wise calculation, the trend of migration to Malaysia has been reduced since 2005/06 while this trend of the Gulf countries has increased (Figure 5). This is because of a relati vely low wage rate in Malaysia as compared to the Gulf countries. My short newspaper survey during June-July 2008 showed that the demand from Malaysia scems to be only working class labourers with the name "Production Workers" or " Production Operators" while in the Gulf countries the demand is more disaggregated. Furthermore, the demand of skilled and sem i-skilled labourers like mason, mechanic, salesman/girls. security guards, and engineers is increasing from Gulf States. It is also important to note that many workers returned from Malaysia because of the work they had to engage in are found different fonn the work they were lold they would get during the process. Another important de-motivating faclor to Malaysia is the levy charged by the Government of Malaysia from workers. A foreign employment agent (broker) in Jhapa said that if levy was removed the tendency would increase again. In Malaysia, one has to pay up to 150 Ringgit pcr month to the government, which Nepali workers consider as a fi nancial burden against a relatively low salary. 50 CNAS Journal. Vol. 36, No. 1 (January 2009) - o • tvblaysia • Qatar • United Arab Errirates '" Other Gulf countries • Saudi Arabia Figure 5: O ut-migration from Ne pal in the major receiving countries from 1993/94 to 2007/08 (DL EP, 2008). Gender dimension of migrll tion : Even though. at a global leVel. almost half of world migrant population is female (Rami rez et al. 2005). Nepal has predominantly male out-migralion. with 89 percent of thc total migrant population (Figure 6). It is partly attributed by the patrilineal social structurc where men have greater access to productive resources. public sphere acti vities. :llld a breadwinning role thal men arc supposed to take such steps and earn to make a living. Ideally. a general social expectation from men in Nepal is to manage resources and make available a livelihood while women are expected to maintain the family and households by allocating resources for the benefit of members. lu terms of productive activities. Seddon et a1. (2002) analyzed 77 percent W0I111:I1'S involvement in agriculture whereas men involved mainly (5 7 percent) in outside agriculture. This suggests why male out-migration is predominantly high in Nepal. Figure 6 illustrates the country-wise gendcr compusition of out-migrants from Nepal. Hong Kong has the largest proportion of female mignmts. l'long Kong is one of the main dest inations for Gurkhas. who arc also accompanied by their wives and children . The J'long Kong born children of British armies received their citizenship from /-long Kong government Ihal made them attracted 10 reside Ihere ,md hence increased the number. Another reason International Migration a nd Local Development in Nepal 51 could be that there has been increasing demand of domestic help which preferably women like to do. HX'% 80% 60% ' 0% 20% 0% • Male [] Female Figure 6: Propo rtion of out -migration in Ne pal by destination and gender (CBS. 200 I). The data show that in the western countries the proportion of women migrants is higher as compared to that of in Moslim countries like Malaysia and the Gulf countries. On contrary to the situation in Southeast Asian countries like Indonesia and the Philippines, the female out-migration from Nepal to the Gulf countries is not so motivating because of the cultural factor and the nature of jobs avai lable. Neither it can be of target for women to apply for as a factory labourer or fann worker nor can they accompany their spouses during migration (due to possibly low wage mic 10 run their famil y there). Higher proponion ofwolllen migmtion in Ihe clusler of USA. Canada and Mexico reveals the diversity visa (DV) program in the USA, increasing tmget of studelllS to US education and immigmtion program in Canada. These arc relatively gender neutral interventions as compared to the labour migration to the Gulfcountries and Malaysia. Apan from the spouses of Indian armies and other civilian workers in India. a huge proportion of women migrants arc working in the Indian brothels. Since 1989. when a number of Nepali women from the red light districts of Mumbai were deponed, it showed that large numbers of Nepali women arc employed in the- Indian commercial sex industry (Seddon et a1. 2002). Maiti Nepal, a non-governmental organization working in the fie ld of women trafficking in Nep31. estimates that about 150.000 to 300.000 girls arc exploited in different brothels in India . However, a scientific investigation is 52 CNAS Journal, Vol. 36, No. 1 (Janua ry 2009) needed to prove whether they arc exploited and trafficked. Same situation is prevailed in Hong Kong and Middle Eastem Countries (cf. Shanna 2004). As mentioned above, due 10 open border with India the act ual numbe r of migrants may surpass the govemment estimations. Simi larly. people trafficked (as a fonn of human trafficki ng) through illegal channels are not counted on official figures. Remittance as a produc t of migration: Literally. remittance is the transfer of money by foreign wo rkers, but literature also includes other forms of transfers such as social remittances (diffusion of various types of social practices. ideas and values). knowledge or tec hnology remittances (knowledge. ski lls and technology brought back by retuming migrants), and political remittances as changing identities and political awareness aner return (cl: Goldring 2004). Labour migration and remittance is becoming the imponant mainstay of Ncpalese economy (Kollmair et al. 2006). As indicated above, the official sta tistics does not renec! the actual situation. Seddon et al. (2002) estimate the actual remittance in Nepal is abom 10 to 20 times greater thallthe amount shown by the official statistics, which is equivalent to almost 25 percent of national gross domestic product (GD r ). This shows an imponance of remittance especially 10 the rural households. II means rural li velihoods have ne ve r been wholly reliant on agriculturc. and labour migml ion has long been an imponant feature of rural existence in Nepal. Like pallern of migration (number of migrants) the scale of remittances diners depending upon the countries of destination but in diffe rent ways. We have observed that India is the largest recipient of ｎｾｰ｡ｬ･ｳ＠ migrant workers. However, the remittances from India arc not as high as the number of migrants working there. Out of total number of remittances (onc remittance means the remittance sent at a lime) sent back home. about 40 percent is from India and the corresponding value of remittance is about onc third of total remittances entered imo the country (Table I). On contra ry. a neg[igible number of reminances (3 percent) from outside India produce almost a quaner of the total amount of remittances. [t gives a critical importance of remittances from abroad (outside India) to policy and research arena. Similarly. remittances from urb..11l areas and nlral areas of the count ry arc also significant. though they arc out of the scope of lhis paper. • International Migration and Local Development in Nepal 53 India 40 3 22 Remittances from abroad constituted 76 percent of the total amount of remittances received in Nepal in 2004. As migration to India is decreasing the remittance thereof is also decreasing. Using the data from Nepal Living Standard Survey 200)/04 (Lokshin et al 2007) show the largest share of international remittances came from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the Uni ted Arab Emirates (3 5 percent), followed by )0 percenl from India, 17 percent from other Asian countries, and the remainder from United Kingdom, United States, and other countries, In sum, it is revealed that the scale and pattern of migration and remillances have different consequences. One country (as the country of destination) may have relatively fewer number of migrants but would have high amount of remittances and in some cases a large number of migrants may produce a relatively smaller amount of remittances, for example, number of migrants and their remittances from India. The in nuence in aggregate may be different from the innucnce at household or individual level, so they have to be treated accordingly. I therefore would like to highlight that only macro level analysis does nOI help to understand the process of out-migration and its consequent impact in the areas of origin. This should be handled with more holistic and micro level studies with a sufficient attention paid to the household or individual levels in order to address the complex relationship between migration and the areas of origin. Discussion It is revealed that international labour migration in Nepal is nOl a new phenomenon. [t has been triggering out the process of socioeconomic transfommtion in the country for decades. Migration can be seen as a process as well as a product of globalisalion that provides people not only with easy access to infonnation and technology but also make migrants in constant connection with their areas of origin. Probably the most positive impacts of 54 CNAS Journal. Vol. 36, No. 1 (January 2009) labour migration in the local development would be the remittances produced by the migrant workers because it is the most visihle product of migration. Hence, I stan the discussion with remittance and its consequent impacl on loca l economy of the area of origin. Remitta nce, p<I\'crt)' a nd local denlopmellt : Remittances arc clai med to make an improvement in the living conditions of millions of households in migrant-sending countries. For an increasing numbcr of developing countries, remittances form a crucial source of foreign exchange. sustaining their balance of payments. In addition. governments of sending countries have put renewed hopes on migrants as polential inveslors in the national economy (de Uaas 2005). Countries like Turkey. the Philippines. Soulh Korea. India. Pakistan. Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Jamaica. Cuba. 13arbados, Mexico, El Salv:1dor. and Nicaragua h:1vC cncour:1ged international migralion as a dcliber:1te approach 10 development (Nwajiuba 2005). According 10 Hussell (2004). a prime reason for this is Ihal labour migration can provide relatively well-paid cmployment, esp('.'cially auracti\e for governments struggling to keep p:1ce wi th rapid labour lo rce incrcases. This can produce large innows of valu:1blc h:1rd currency remittances. Consequently, go\ernments of sending countries have put rene\\ed hopes on migrants:1s potenti;ll investors in the national economy (de Ilaas 2005). I!encl'. the increased importance of rcmillances lor thc sodal and economic dcvelopment of rural lil(:-lihoods in migr.lnt-send ing countries is crucial (Adger et a1. 2002: Barren et :11. 200 1: KOlhari 2003: Mosse cl a1. 2002). In many countries in the \\ orld. remin:mce is becoming a major ｳｯ ｵｲＨ ｾ･＠ of investment for devdol)menl. For example. the avemge amount rec .... ived by a household C:1n be superior to GDP per c:1pita in many Latin American This is significant considering that only a countries (Vargas- Lund ius ＲＰｾＩＮ＠ small percentage of rural inhabitants in those countries cam incomes equivalent to per capita GDP. Likewise. in Armenia, remillances hal'e been considered to reduce inC(IUality :IS the households that retein' tlll'lIl would othCf'.'lise be at very low levcls of income. According to:1 survey. rcmittances make up 80 perccnt of household incomes on :1vcrage in Armenia and appear to go to some oflhe most vulnera ble houscholds (USA ID 2004). In Tajikistan. remillanccs kecp many struggling families at home above the poverty line and reduce the Stress causcd by a lack of domestic job opportunities (er. UN DP 2005). UNOI' (2005) further rCJ}()rts that remittances help averting rural poveny also in Somalia. ··with a majority of the population living on less than a dollar per day. lhe injection of h:lrd eurrcncy International MigraUoo and local Development in Nepal 55 through remiuances enables the country to purehase staple food imports and have a 'multiplier' effect on the local economy". A study of Mexico suggests that each dollar of remittance generates three dollars of s pending power. In Albania, remittances have played a significant role in macroeconomic stabilization of the country, the alleviation of poverty and amel ioration o f the living conditions o f many Albanian households. In Egypt, the returning migrants in the late 19805 set up a number of enterprises, in greater Cairo, using funds brought back from abroad (UN DP 2005). In Nepal, one-fifth of the poverty red uction occurring between 1995 and 2004 was claimed to be due to out-migration (Lokshin et al. 2007). They further reportl..-d that 44 pereent of the average household expenditure was covered by remittances in 2004. They argue, "Migration and remittances improve the welfare of households in the sending communit ies by stimulating local l..'Conomic development Migrants channel remittances into productive investment at home. Even when some households spend most of the remittances on current consumption, the resulting demand for goods and services can be met by other working adults in the community, thus generating strong positive externalities" (Lokshin et al. 2007: 25). An analysis of the National Living Standard Survey data carried out by Seddon et a1. (2002) also shows that 24 pereent of rural households received remittances in 1996, which contributes to 27 pereent on average to their tOlal income. KC (200)b) found that the districts with higher number of population abroad have a positive correlation with development indicators that could probably be because of remittances. The Central Bureau of Statistics (Ca S) reports that in 1995- 1996, the income from remi ttances counted for about 9 percent of total rural income for the average income rural households. which increased to 17 pereent in the year 2(0)-2004 (CBS 20(4). This income from reminanees is equivalent to about 40 percent of total income contributed from agriculture in the Nc palese rural economy (HIT 2(05). It is also important to note that the largest proportion (57 percent) of indi vidual reminanees senllO rural households was from household members working elsewhere in 200 I (Scddon et al. 2002). Depending upon the situation, migration can be a coping strategy for poorer households (Gilt 200)), while it can also aim at improving living standards (Niehof 2(04). Economically, remittance benefits migrant households by increased income in the short term. However. they may sometimes cause negative social effects. particularly through disruption in family relations and also by creating a sense of relative deprivation in nonmigrant communities (Kageyama 2008). 56 CNAS Journal, Vol. 36, No. 1 (January 2009) ｕ ｲ｢ｾｮｩｳ｡ｴｯＺ＠ One of the prime motives of rural youlhs to migrate for work is to accumulate wealth thro ugh remittances, which can be used to buy land in the cities. In the context of a poor infrastructure facilities in rural areas migrants may decide to stay in city areas with modem amenities. Th is would require a detail investigation but an indication is the increased number of urban places and the corresponding urban population growth, which was 6.65 percent in between census 1991 and 2001 (Gurung et at. 2006). Moreover, " Expansion of infrastructures in urban areas, improvement in educational attainment, mass communication and thereby increased aspiration of ru ral yo ung adults means that urban areas will continue to receive more and more people" (Gurung et al. 2006: 104). However, urbanisation caused by rural-urban migration should be discussed under internal migration, the international migration can induce the process. Sharma (1989) has already illustrated that internal and international migrations are the largest contributors to urban growth. Whcther ra pid increase in urbanisation is good or bad for the country's overall development is out of scope of this paper but labour migration can be assened to the process of urbanisation. Labour reorganisation and changing gender roles: This kind of predominantly male dominated out-migration results in a number of changes in gender roles and relationships. In general, women are over-worked due 10 additional duties and responsibilities to be carried out in the absence of their male counterpans (Chondoka 1996; Myers et at. 1996; Palmer 1985; Song 1998). Kaspar (2005) conducted a study in Nepal looking at the impact of male oUI-migration on women's life at home. During migration. female's fields of activity hardly undergo any changes, whereas a man's lines of action change considerably with migration. A man gives up agriculture and occasional employment in the vi llage and exchanges it for pennanent employment in a foreign country. A woman in contrast, looks after the children, the household and the fiel ds before, during and after migration (Kaspar 2005). Nandini ([999) argut!s women who previously worked in the labour market may find it optimal 10 stop wo rking and devote all their lime to home production (cited in Lokshin et at. 2007). In her wo rk in China, Song (1998) concludes that male out-migration vinually causes Ihe feminizalion of agriculture. It connotes that women have to bear an additional burden of household work as well as faml work in the absence of men. She funher argues. ,·It is the women who arc playing key roles in sustaining Ihe small-scale subsistence farming and food security at International Migration and Local Development in Nepal 57 both fanners' household level and national level" (Song 1998: \69). Moreover, one of the imponant gender related impacts is the possible adverse effect on girls' education b<x:ause of extra burden of workload to their mothers and suppon needed from daughters. In a stud y carried out in Sudan, Mycrs et al ( 1996: 17) noted that because of male out-migration "childrcn, panicularly girls, are missing out on schooling becausc they are req uired to help shoulder their mothers' extra work burdens in the fann and household". Iml)3Cts on Icft -behind household mem bers: When a young, able, and producti ve male household member leaves home, multiple adjustments need to be made among those left behind. Migration changes the relative productivity of the remaining household members; affects house hold preferences in terms of risk aversion and uncenainty; and provides new infonnation- for examplc, on new technology. type of crops, and so on (Lokshin et a1. 2007). Pal mer (1985) anieulates that there is 'pure gain' fo r migrants and their families or a ' private gain' coupled with a social loss. The pure gain supporte rs believe that there is a net benefit for both migrant and his family as he steadily sends remi ttances from his work, and the family gains by having onc member less to feed. In contrast, s uppone rs of the private gai n and social loss proposition argue that the migrant gets a ne t benefit from his earnings whereas the community as a whole loses produc ti ve manpower. The impacts of male out-migration can be discussed under three aspects: a) increase in female headed households, b) impacts on elderly JX."Ople and children, and c) changes in livelihood ponfolios. It is obvious that male labour out-migration increases the femalc population in the community, which also leads to the increase of femalehcaded households. Howcver, in the context of Nepalese social structure the fcmale household heads would have a de fac to position with a limited decision-making power. A majority of women intcrviewed by Kaspar (2005) did not refer to themselves as household-heads, although they took all operational decisions. Their husbands have a major role in decision-making for strategic decisions, even if Ihey are far away from home. However, they use this position in an ambiguous way, " Wives ha ve a gatekeeper func tion, not only in deciding fOr which decisions they need their husbands' consultation but also in selecting and pre-interpreting information abo ut events al home and passing information on 10 their husbands" (Kaspar 2006: 293). This may challenge the power relation in household decision-making process. 58 CNAS Journal, Vol. 36, No. 1 (January 2009) The labour out-migration has both positive and negative consequcnces for their elderl y parents and children. On one hand, parents can be benefited from remittances or derive pride from their child 's occupational or social success in the new setting. On the othcr hand. departure of a young and able bodied child could reducc availabi lity to provide routine personal care or house hold help (Knodel and Saengtienchai 2007). Similarly. the increased household income may increase an opportunity to invest in child education (for better schooling) but the absence of father as a discipline maker the children may slip away from the right track. My field visit also showed that though the children are scnt to private schools which are functioni ng better than the government schools in Ne pal ; mothers have complains about their hardship to handle children in the absence of fathers . Children are psychologically motivated to go abroad for work whi le their orientation to the schools is not good. "Iowcver, this needs furth er clarification. Th ird as pect I wo uld like 10 discuss is the potential change in livelihood portfolios of the people left-behind. Livelihood portfolio is the bundle of activities households engage in 10 generate livelihood and achieve a certain Icvel of ｬｩｶ･ｨ ｾｵｲｩ ｴ ｹ＠ (ElIis 1998; Nichof 20(4). Livelihood security is defined as the stability and resilience of livelihood in the long run (Kaag 20(4). It is argued that labour migration is onc of the li velihood diversification strategies undertaken by the households in the expectation of more secured livelihoods (McDowell and de Ihan 1997; Siddiqui 2003; Thieme and Wyss 2(05). However, remittances may also increasc income inequalities and fonn new social hierarchies (Bracking 2003; Gundel 2(02). There is a high possibility of yo unger gcneration people (including return migrants) to move out of agriculture and fonn new ways of life in the context of incrcasing share of ofT-fann income to the f.'lrnli ng households and a discouragi ng incentivc from agricultural sector. This would havc a greater implication for the fu tu re of an agrarian community where thc agriculture sector could go to the hands of less producti vc older parents. l)jS('ussions : With lime the perception of looking at migr.lIion has been changing because o f its both negative as wcll as positive consequences in the areas of origin and destination. Previously, migration was scen as a product of ill-economy of the areas of origi n (Masscy et al . 1993 ; Shrcstha 1988) but now it is scen more as the livelihood stmtcgy (Adams and I'age 2005; McDowelt and de Haan 1997). !iowever, the linkagcs between out-migration and its local consequences have been re mained to be the most overlooked dimension of migmtion rescarch. Rigg (2007: 176) accentuates, "thc International Migration and local De'o'sle>pment in tl apal59 artic ulation of mobility with I'UI1lllivelihoods is not well understood, and nor is the complexity of the individual, household and community context within which migration occurs". Recently, scholar.> have pointed out a shift towards the linkages between migration and livelihoods in the areas of origin (Bracking 2003; Kaspar 2005; Ma:a;ucato 2004; McDowcll and dc Haan 1997; Mosse et al. 2002; Smith 2007). Similarly, international organizations like IFAO, DFID, IOS and UNDP are also looking at the linkages between migration and development New economics of labour migration suggests that migration decisions are made jointly by the migrant and other household members who are left behind in order to minimize risks and maximize the household welfare (Ell is 1998; Masscy et al., 1993; Stark and Bloom 1985). Hence, it is argued that migration is an integral part of people's livelihood (McDowell and de Haan 1997; Siddiqui 2003). So it is worthwhile to understand migration within livelihood perspective to bettcr describe the linkages between out. migration and local development, which cannot be dealt with the classical economic approach of looking at migration as a response to economic disequilibria between the areas of origin and destination. Even though the scholars try 10 get away from more economistic evaluation of migration, its assertion as one of the major propelling factors does not allow. Rigg (2007) argues that it is neither easy nor desirable to separate cultural from economic analYsis in migration because changing cultural preferences propel migration, and migration reinforces suc h c hanging cultures of consumption. 1·le clearly indicates that even when cultural factors mattcr, economic issues are closely implicated. ｾｉ･＠ gives a new perspective to look at migration more culturally; "economic factors arc embedded within livelihood perspective where culture and socicty are not artificially separated from economy" (Rigg 2007: 169). [n other words, labour migrntion is becoming more cultural affair than economic, as part and parcel of people's li fe to s ustain/improve their livelihoods; more specifically to improve thcir wellbeing. Conclusion Labour out-migration has a tremendous importance in the countries like Nepal where many people de pend on remittance income for their livelihood. Moreovcr, it also has social, cultural and political consequences as I have already mentioned that remittances arc not only in the fonn of money but also they have a wider meaning. Particularly, in the context of Nepal, male o ut· migration has a consequent impact on rural economy, and social and c ultural 60 CNAS Journal, Vol. 36. No. 1 (January 2009) practices. For example, it may change the gender roles and feminization of community, whic h is particularl y important in the context of a male dominated and hierarchica l caste based Hindu society. Similarly, it ma y change the family relation in a situation of the commo nly prevailed extended family in Nepal; particula rly, the changing stat us or migrants' wives in leons of social relationships and ambiguous power posi tion within and outside the household. Moreover, scholars pointed out that there is an urgent need to explore the social . economic, and political impact of foreign labour migration in the Nepalese rural livel ihoods (Seddon et al. 2002) and the importance of understa ndi ng its dynamic dimensions for policy recommendations (Gill, 2003). Hence, through this paper I would emphasize for more researches in this fie ld to understand the complexities of livelihoods in the context of rapidly growing labour out-migration in rural Nepal. Note l. This particularl y attributes 10 the increased number or Nepalese students going abroad for study and migration of skilled ma npower to USA, UK, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Refere nces Adams, J. R. H. and Page. J. 2005. "Do international migration and reminanees reduce poverty in developi ng countries?" World Del'elofllnen/. 33( I 0): 1645-1669. Adger, W. N., Kelly, P. M., Winkcls, A., !-Iuy, L. Q. and Locke, C. 2002. 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